When Vicente Fox stunned the world last year by becoming Mexico's first opposition leader elected president in 71 years, he began a process that reverberates throughout Latin America. Fox has abandoned Mexico's longstanding tradition of nonintervention, leading his country to deeper involvement throughout the western hemisphere. Mexico's new diplomacy has great potential to improve the lives of its neighbors-none more so than the United States.
Robert S. Leiken is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. He is the author, most recently, of Why Nicaragua Vanished, which will be published later this year.
AN END TO ISOLATION
This past April, Senator Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) -- long Mexico's fiercest critic and a man not known for his internationalist credentials -- took an unusual trip. Helms went to Mexico City with colleagues in tow, where he convened the first-ever meeting of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on foreign soil. The death of one-party rule in Mexico, Helms declared, had initiated "a new era of cooperation [with the United States] on matters such as immigration, drugs, trade, and the promotion of human rights in Cuba."
The senators' visit and the language that accompanied it would have been inconceivable barely a year ago -- as would have Helms' fast friendship with Mexico's new foreign minister, a self-proclaimed "man of the left" named Jorge Castaneda. For decades, the U.S.-Mexico relationship was a wary one, characterized by mutual distrust and only reluctant cooperation. But that is now changing. With the advent of democratic government, Mexico is turning its back on its history of isolationism and its fiercely noninterventionist foreign policy. The country has begun to look beyond its borders, trying to spur development and help resolve problems throughout Latin America while pursuing a robust partnership with the United States -- a neighbor with which Mexico was once at odds on nearly every issue.
The opportunities this turnaround presents have not been lost on Washington. President George W. Bush, comfortable with Mexico from his days as Texas governor and eager to court the burgeoning Latino vote, has declared his desire for a "special relationship" between the two countries. To this end, shortly after taking office Bush broke with tradition by choosing Mexico for his first foreign visit. In his first months as president, Bush met with a string of Latin American leaders and traveled to Quebec City to promote hemispheric free trade. While there, he also announced that Mexican President Vicente Fox would be the first foreign leader to make a state visit to the Bush White House.
When they met in February at Fox's ranch in San Cristobal, Mexico, the two men created an unprecedented top-level working group on migration headed by Castaneda and Minister of Government Santiago Creel along with Secretary of State Colin Powell and Attorney General John Ashcroft. Bush also uttered words that were music to Mexican ears, acknowledging that the two countries' mutual drug problem derived from U.S. demand.
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Mexico's famed political stability has not been destroyed by the country's current economic crisis. But that stability can no longer be taken for granted. Over the past half-century, the Mexican political system has brought economic development, albeit unjustly distributed, inefficiently planned and plagued with waste and corruption. It has ensured social peace and political continuity, although with recurrent repression and electoral fraud. And it has maintained peaceful relations with the United States, despite asymmetries, irritants and sporadic confrontations. These three pillars of Mexico's stability, which is unique in Latin America, are not yet crumbling, but all are growing weaker, as is the political system they sustain.
Since the proxy fights of the Cold War ended, America has turned away from internal conflicts in other countries -- to its peril. Key states around the globe now teeter on the brink of civil war. A rebellion against Saudi Arabia's unpopular monarchy could strangle the world's oil supply. If regional tensions and anger with Boris Yeltsin lead to violence in Russia, the world's second-largest nuclear arsenal could fall into the hands of ultranationalist rogues. Armed uprisings have already broken out in Mexico and could spread at any moment, interrupting billions of dollars in U.S. trade and sending shock waves and refugees toward America's border. It is past time for Washington to develop a strategy to handle civil war.
Three years into Mexico's democratic revolution, few of its hopes have been realized: the political system is gridlocked, the economy is stagnant, and relations with the United States are deteriorating. A crisis is not imminent, but progress must come soon if Mexico's grand experiment with political and economic liberty is to continue.
