China Since Tiananmen: The Politics of Transition
Most Westerners assume that post-Tiananmen China has a government intolerant of dissent and citizens concerned only with getting wealthy. Fewsmith, a master scholar of Chinese intellectuals, presents a different picture, suggesting that the Chinese political elite is divided over policy and power. In fact, China's intellectuals are a diverse lot, engaged in earnest debates over alternative visions for China's future. In recent years, new schools of thought have taken ideas from Western sources but given them distinctive Chinese characteristics. For example, neoconservatives and new authoritarians believe that China can follow the Western path toward economic modernization -- but under the guiding discipline of a strong state. Arrayed against them are postmodernists and leftists as well as populist nationalists who have revived Maoist ideas about people power. But the hope that Marxism-Leninism's passing will bring a better day for China needs to be kept in check, the author warns. Many of its intellectuals have strong nationalistic (and anti-American) views. Although many Chinese thinkers are trying to articulate new ideals for nationalism, Enlightenment values are sadly on the defensive.
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The major events of 1983 in East Asian politics and economics can be looked at from three broad vantage points or planes of abstraction. At the most general level one sees, rather like the movements of tectonic plates on the earth's surface, a slight shift in the center of gravity of U.S. foreign policy from Europe toward Asia. In large part this shift is prompted by a growing realization among the leaders of the United States and Japan that their nations will, for the indefinite future, be paramount in the fundamental sciences and their practical offshoots in microelectronics, biotechnology, fine ceramics, and other new areas of technical development, and that Western Europe will trail in most of these fields and the Soviet Union simply be left behind. The fact that the American President met with the prime minister of Japan three times during 1983 underscores this trend, as did the President's statement in Tokyo in November that "No relationship between any two countries is more important to world peace and prosperity than the relationship between the United States and Japan."
Three issues preoccupy Asia's leaders (1) economic strategy (2) political stability versus greater openness (3) regionalism. The accelerating socio-economic revolution presents challenges to both the Marxist and the democratic states. There is a requirement for increased public participation, greater local autonomy and more regional and international interaction. On balance the odds favouring a largely peaceful revolution are lengthening.
India's elections aroused fears about its political viability but elicited yawns about its economic health. The reality of India's prospects is just the opposite. Conventional wisdom aside, the main threat India faces is economic. Slower growth and a stalled program of economic reforms could endanger India's stability. Its politics, by contrast, exhibit an admirable ability to bring extremists, including the Hindu nationalists of the newly preeminent Bharatiya Janata Party, closer to the center. India's democracy is the glue that keeps the country together; its economy, if not reformed, could cause dangerous strains.

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