France: The Dark Years, 1940-44
For this reviewer, who lived through France's "dark years" and has studied this period for decades, Jackson's book is a cause for celebration: the best, most balanced, and comprehensive synthesis of Occupied France so far. Jackson's clear narrative sacrifices none of the nuances and complexities of the Vichy regime. He makes vivid its mix of conservative nationalism and defeatist fascism as well as the resistance's factionalism, which sometimes even surpassed its anti-Nazi passion. He also shows how Charles de Gaulle, a military man who once viewed the Third Republic's institutions with great suspicion, became a synthesis of all honorable French political traditions. (De Gaulle even relegitimized the credentials of the Communist Party -- while blocking its attempts at controlling the resistance and the liberation of France.) The book's epilogue, a discussion of the multiple memories of the occupation, is as thoughtful as its chapter on the "new France" is fair. As more archives become available, a fuller picture of the resistance may yet emerge. It is doubtful, however, that it would offer many more revelations, or produce a more judicious account, than Jackson's.
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France's foreign minister, Hubert Vedrine, is often charged with being anti-American. As his new book shows, however, his brand of realist diplomacy is more subtle and pragmatic than his American critics see it.
Three years after having signed a treaty of coöperation with Dr. Adenauer, designed to make the marriage of France and Germany the foundation for the regrouping of Europe, General de Gaulle has travelled to the Soviet Union to talk of rediscovered friendship, agreement and even "alliance" between the "new France" and the "new Russia." Now the latter, pending information to the contrary, is the principal adversary of the German Federal Republic, and the Soviet leaders do not hide the fact that they look upon the rapprochement with Paris as a means of gaining support against German "revanchism." We may therefore be permitted to question the degree of coherence in the foreign policy of the Fifth Republic and to wonder whether such changes of course-there are other examples-cannot be best explained by psychological factors, the first of them being excessive amour propre.
In 1962 the European enthusiasts in Brussels were explaining regretfully that although British membership would slow down the process of European integration-perhaps severely impede the whole movement toward a United States of Europe-it was a price that had to be paid for widening the geographical spread of the Community. No doubt these people, while regretting the manner of General de Gaulle's rupture of negotiations with Britain, are now privately relieved that the price will not have to be paid. Their view is that Britain's inherent weakness is such that she will be compelled sooner or later to come back and knock on the door again and plead for entry into the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). On the whole, better later than sooner. The European Community will by then have consolidated itself; it will be able to impose its terms with less difficulty and, in fairness it should be added, will be less niggling about making small concessions which may contravene the letter, though not the spirit, of the Treaty of Rome.

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