Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The title makes a point: Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda has the border-transcending reach of a multinational corporation with managerial skills to match. Holy War, Inc. is a first-rate account drawing on the author's years of hard journalistic slogging. He has visited difficult places in dangerous times, interviewed scores of persons (bin Laden himself in 1997), combed media sources including the Internet, and shown a good grasp of relevant scholarly works. Bergen first describes bin Laden's early life and family ties, his time in Sudan, and his cooperation with the Taliban. He then presents the larger network of bin Laden's "secret world," tracing al Qaeda's links to the several thousand foreign Muslims -- the "Afghan Arabs" -- who came to Afghanistan during the 1980s to fight the Soviets. He also tells of the personnel and the modus operandi of different terrorist actions, including those against the World Trade Center in 1993, the American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam (1998), and the U.S.S. Cole (2000). In a short afterword, Bergen argues that what bin Laden and his network are waging is closer to a "political war" against the American presence in the Middle East (and against its allies such as the Saudi government) than a "clash of civilizations."
Related
In his article "Europe's Angry Muslims" (July/August 2005), Robert Leiken argues that European Muslims are "distinct, cohesive, and bitter." He later writes that Islamist terrorist groups should not be compared with marginal European terrorist groups because Islamist terrorists have a "social base" from which to operate. The implied claim that all European Muslims are or could be supporters of terrorists (if they are not terrorists themselves) needs to be answered.
The mantra that the war on terrorism is not a war on Islam ignores one crucial fact: Islam and politics are inextricably linked throughout the Muslim world. Islamism includes Osama bin Laden and the Taliban but also moderates and liberals. In fact, it can be whatever Muslims want it to be. Rather than push secularism, the West should help empower the silent Muslim majority that rejects radicalism and violence. The result could be political systems both truly Islamist and truly democratic.
Even if Yemen manages to avoid civil war, the country's many economic and security challenges may undermine democratic reform. In setting the post-Saleh agenda, will Yemen's disparate opposition movements be able to outmaneuver the country's established powers?

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