In The Long Run: Keynes and the Legacy of British Liberalism
Was John Maynard Keynes a Keynesian? The third volume of Robert Skidelsky's magisterial biography answers this question by arguing that the economist's legacy is the promotion of, not opposition to, classical British liberalism.
Walter Russell Mead is Senior Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations.
"You will read your Political Economy in my absence," Miss Prism says to the Reverend Canon Chasuble in Oscar Wilde's The Importance of Being Earnest. "The chapter on the Fall of the Rupee you may omit. It is somewhat too sensational."
It was, in fact, the management of the Indian rupee that occupied John Maynard Keynes at the dawn of his career, and many chapters in the life of this distinguished economist and public servant were considered too sensational for his first biographer, Roy Harrod, to address. Now with John Maynard Keynes: Fighting for Freedom, 1937-1946, the third and last installment of his monumental biography, Lord Robert Skidelsky has brought us as close as we are ever likely to get to the whole Keynes, rupees and all.
THE ECONOMIST AS A YOUNG MAN
His was a very English life. At Cambridge, Keynes was one of the enfants terribles whose mix of philosophical idealism, undergraduate homoeroticism, and cynical disengagement from the certainties of their Victorian grandparents shocked the Edwardians and pointed to the vast cultural and social changes ahead. After helping to blaze the trail later traipsed by such bright young things as Evelyn Waugh, W. H. Auden, and Christopher Isherwood (and, for that matter, the double-agent Guy Burgess), Keynes plunged into the artistic and cultural mix of the storied Bloomsbury group, where he enjoyed the company of such betes noires of the British establishment as the author Lytton Strachey and the painter Duncan Grant.
What Bloomsbury regarded as the shades of the prison house began to close in about the growing Keynes during World War I, when he forsook the fashionable antiwar stance of many of his friends to serve in the British Treasury, ultimately accompanying the British delegation to the 1919 Versailles conference. His coruscating and still controversial account of the conference, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, remains one of the great landmarks in the history of the twentieth century and continues to shape debate over the relationship between the two great European wars of the era.
Log in to continue reading
Access to this article requires a one-time free registration. To register, click here.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
When France and Germany, with Italy and the three Benelux countries, made it clear that they were really going to form a customs union, they forced the British government to face a decision it had hoped to avoid. Now Britain's decision to join the Common Market, if reasonable terms can be agreed on, requires the United States to make some major decisions of its own. Our action-or the lack of it-will pose new choices for the rest of the world.
It is already clear that the most serious obstacles to Britain's entry into the Common Market lie not so much in any direct clash of economic interest between Britain and Western Europe as in the difficulty of transforming and modifying the vast web of Britain's external trading commitments. A loose, worldwide, pragmatic association has to be shrunk, without too much damage, into a close, contractual relationship. For extra-European communities, the squeezing and pinching threaten economic disturbance and political resentment and nowhere perhaps do the problems seem more daunting than in independent Africa where, by a chance of history, the confrontation of Commonwealth and Common Market is physically most direct and potentially most disruptive.
Roy Jenkins' brilliant new biography of Winston Churchill places him in profound historical perspective: as heir to the Liberal tradition of William Gladstone and Herbert Asquith.
