Humane Warfare
This short book -- which takes as its starting point not Clausewitz but the philosophers Lin Yutang, Richard Rorty, Friedrich Hegel, and Judith Shklar -- will probably scare off most readers. That would be a pity, because Coker has an important argument. Stripped of its refinements, his case is that the West has attempted in recent years to wage war for humanitarian purposes, in a humanitarian way, and that effort has largely failed. As he puts it, "humane warfare heralds the military's increasingly ironic alienation from the battlefield and from battle itself." A grimy and cold U.S. special forces soldier or British Special Air Service trooper designating targets in the Tora Bora cave complex would probably find the remark either obscure or offensive, but it has a nub of truth. Coker scorns attempts to make war overly clean or precise, and with considerable erudition he lays out why it is both dangerous and implausible to do so. Yet would any reasonable person find the world a better place if Mullah Muhammad Omar were overthrown by hand-to-hand fighting rather than precision bombing, costing tens of thousands of lives and leaving cities devastated wastelands?
Related
The brutality in Kosovo, East Timor, and Rwanda has fed the conventional wisdom that tribal and nationalist fighting is raging out of control. It is not. Since the early 1990s, the number of new ethnic wars has dropped sharply and many old ones have been settled. The world has found a new way to manage secessionism and nationalist passions: granting autonomy, devolving and sharing state power, and recognizing group rights. Ethnic warfare's heyday may belong to the last century.
Land mines, the deadly remnants of so many civil wars, kill and maim thousands of innocent civilians throughout the world each year. Only a concerted international effort will end this purposeless bloodshed.
The Congress of Vienna, the Treaty of Versailles, and the NATO-based containment strategy were three pivotal decisions in European diplomacy. Now there is a fourth opportunity to construct a lasting European peace through institutions, new and old. Foremost, NATO must expand, discussing openly which new countries to admit. The Partnership for Peace and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe should coordinate human rights and civilian control of armies. Respect for human rights must extend to Russia, which is why the Chechen campaign has been so disturbing. To turn away from the challenge of this moment and freeze NATO would exact a higher price later.
