Neither Dead nor Red: Civilian Defense and American Political Development During the Early Cold War
This concise, scholarly book is unfortunately much timelier than its author could have hoped. When New Yorkers obediently evacuated Times Square in response to air raid sirens in 1955, they were practicing their generation's version of homeland security. Grossman recounts how the federal government built extraordinary institutions and acquired remarkable powers to prepare the country to survive the Cold War and a possible third world war. Focusing on the civil defense programs of the Truman administration as it created an Office of Civil Defense Planning (which later turned into the Federal Civil Defense Administration), the author notices how planning for internal and external security blurred together, raising troubling constitutional questions and changing government's role in society. We learn that a critical issue in 1952 remains as salient in 2002: Does civil defense really aspire to manage consequences of a catastrophic attack, or is it more an experiment in public psychology -- an illusion to ward off mass panic?
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The specter of weapons of mass destruction being used against America looms larger today than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis. The World Trade Center bombing scarcely hints at the enormity of the danger. America is prepared only for conventional terrorism, not a nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons catastrophe. With the right approach and organization, however, the United States can be ready. Herewith a plan to reorganize the U.S. government to ensure that it can handle the threats of the next century.
The last volume of Henry A. Kissinger's memoirs offers a fascinating -- if unwittingly revealing -- self-portrait of detente's architect during the gloomy Ford era.
Somehow the United States has remained unchallenged despite victory. Defying the laws of realpolitik, no one is ganging up on the hegemon. Through two world wars, the United States practiced a strategy like Britain's, remaining aloof from international troubles, stepping in only to rectify the balance of power. Today the United States is more like Bismarck's Germany, developing alliances with everyone so that ganging up against it is impossible. But it will have to keep providing order and security for others. Only by doing good can it do well.
