Don't Shoot the Messenger
To the Editor:
I applaud F. Gregory Gause III ("Who Lost Middle Eastern Studies?" March/April 2002) for his balanced perspective on the plight of Middle Eastern studies in the United States. Far from being part of the problem in the nation's difficulties in dealing with the Middle East, those of us who have studied the area have tried to provide constructive advice on Middle East affairs. It is hardly the fault of scholars and academic programs that presidential administrations, congressional offices, and intelligence agencies fail to listen. The aftermath of September 11 sadly demonstrated this neglect, as evidenced by the desperate requests made by America's intelligence agencies via subtitled cable-television ads for those skilled in Middle Eastern and Southwest Asian languages and area studies. It seems that the CIA in particular was short of qualified Middle East linguists and area specialists. Had the intelligence community made more effective use of the products of Middle Eastern studies programs around the country, and had these programs received greater support, this country might be better situated to deal with the Middle East, and September 11 might have been averted.
G. Michael Stathis
Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Southern Utah University
Related
IN the postwar decade the United States has been deeply concerned with problems of international communication and particularly with the flow of information and ideas from this country abroad. Our efforts in this field have had two principal objectives. The first has been to counter Soviet propaganda and bring other countries to a fuller and therefore, we hope, more friendly understanding of the United States and its policies. The second has been to make technical knowledge available as a means of assistance in economic development abroad.
Universities were complicit, the leftist academics reminiscing in The Cold War and the University all agree. But whose side are the writers on in the new culture wars?
The basis of US military and diplomatic power is its economic power, and the USA's single most important security objective is now economic self-repair. "Unless the United States reinvigorates in this decade the economic roots of its international power, it risks an erosion of self-confidence and of its international leadership at the turn of the century. With a weak economy and a society in conflict over how to allocate slowly growing resources, this nation would find it increasingly difficult to achieve its essential global objectives".

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