The Corporate Key: Using Big Business to Fight Global Poverty
Past attempts to combat global poverty have failed for a simple reason: they have not attacked the problem at its roots. It is therefore time for a new approach, a global corporate alliance that brings business know-how and the profit motive into play.
George C. Lodge is the Jaime and Josefina Chua Tiampo Professor of Business Administration, Emeritus, at Harvard Business School. His most recent book is Managing Globalization in the Age of Interdependence.
In recent months, world leaders -- including President George W. Bush and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan -- have proclaimed their determination to reduce global poverty. Such promises, however, have been made before, and past efforts to follow through on them have been disappointing. Success this time will require a new institution that can harness the capabilities of global corporations and, helped by loans from development agencies, directly attack the root causes of poverty.
The need for corporate involvement in the fight against poverty stems from several factors. To begin with, many of the world's poor live in countries where governments lack either the will or the ability to raise living standards on their own. Financial assistance to such governments, therefore, has often not helped their neediest citizens. In fact, in spite of the roughly $1 trillion that has been spent on grants and loans to fight poverty around the globe since the end of World War II, nearly half the world's six billion people still live on less than $2 a day; a fifth get by on less than $1. At times, foreign aid has even worsened the plight of the poor, by sustaining the corrupt or otherwise inefficient governments that caused their misery in the first place. In such mismanaged countries -- which number close to 70 -- a way must be found to change the basic system.
Globalization -- seen by many today as a sort of cure-all -- will certainly not eradicate poverty on its own. True, international trade and investment have increased vastly over the last decade, making many people richer. But the problem is that the process has not really been global enough. In fact, some two billion people today live in countries that are actually becoming less globalized: trade is diminishing in relation to national income, economic growth has stagnated, and poverty is on the rise. Most people in Latin America, the Middle East, and Central Asia are poorer today than they were ten years ago, and most Africans were better off forty years ago. The average per capita income of Muslim countries, from Morocco to Bangladesh and Indonesia to the Philippines, is now just half the world average.
This is a premium article
You must be a Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you are already a print subscriber, click here to activate your online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
Over the last decade, Enterprise Funds have blazed a new path for development aid, merging public capital with private management to nurture businesses in new democracies. The costs are low and the results impressive; attention must be paid.
Will Russia be run by democrats or oligarchs? The signs are worrying. The West would rather not dwell on the extent to which Russia's market is dominated by robber barons and permeated by crime and corruption. Russia's democracy is weak, with unfair election campaigns, a compromised media, and few checks on the presidency. The West cannot afford to let Russia descend into chaos, which might mean losing control of Russia's arsenal of weapons of mass destruction, but its two-faced NATO expansion policy hurts the democrats' chances.
THE winds of economic nationalism are blowing strong in Latin America. This is evident in the nationalist and progressive régime in Peru, the rise and fall of the leftist government in Bolivia, the changes of policy in conservative countries like Colombia and Argentina and the spectacular election of a socialist government in Chile. There are also the numerous acts of nationalization in various countries, most of which have gone largely unnoticed, while others like the nationalization of petroleum in Peru and Bolivia, natural gas in Venezuela, aluminum in Guyana and copper in Chile have reached the headlines. Furthermore, there are restrictive foreign investment statutes unanimously endorsed by the Andean Pact nations, the limitations of various kinds imposed on foreign subsidiaries even in countries, like Mexico, otherwise favorable to foreign investment, the unaccustomed incisiveness of the Latin American protest against President Nixon's New Economic Policy voiced in the meetings of the Special Co-ordination Commission of Latin America, the Inter-American Economic and Social Council of the Organization of American States and the World Bank- International Monetary Fund Annual Conference, as well as the formal withdrawal of Argentina from the Inter-American Committee of the Alliance for Progress.
