Churchill: Visionary. Statesman. Historian; Winston Churchill
This is a good year for admirers of Winston Churchill. Lukacs, a lucid but not uncritical worshiper, has written about him for many years. Keegan, the great military historian, has come out with a brief biography that neglects no aspect of his life. Like many biographers of Churchill, they have both fallen under the spell of his eloquence, his character, and his often visionary leadership.
Lukacs examines Churchill's relations with Stalin, Franklin Roosevelt, and Dwight Eisenhower, as well as his feelings toward European integration. He also deals at length with Churchill's critics, especially recent ones such as John Charmley and Niall Ferguson. Looking at Churchill as a historian, he covers his funeral in a chapter brimming over with sentiment. This superb little book is a pleasure for the reader. The mix of critical intelligence, sure appreciation of what Churchill did to stop the dark evil of Adolf Hitler, nuanced understanding of the many strands of Churchill's personality, and literary talent is admirable. Is Lukacs always fair? Perhaps not: his tepid assessment of Roosevelt and his distaste for Eisenhower go a bit far. But it is hard to resist this tour de force.
Meanwhile, Keegan recounts how he discovered a recording of Churchill's war speeches in the summer of 1957 in New York, when he was still only a teenager. He was overwhelmed. He pays more attention than does Lukacs to the private Churchill, a man with very few friends (but many cronies) and close only to his formidable wife. In a straightforward and fair account, Keegan tells the story of Churchill's life, without frills. He rightly focuses often on Churchill's oratory and sense of history; like Lukacs, he ends with a chapter called "apotheosis" that recounts his funeral.
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Tony Judt is right to have doubts about the future of European union, but his jeremiad lacks an eye for detail.
The history of the Atlantic Alliance is a history of crises. But we must distinguish between the routine difficulties engendered by Western Europe's dependence on the United States for its security, as well as by the economic interdependence of the allies, and major breakdowns or misunderstandings which reveal not simply an inevitable divergence of interests but dramatically different views of the world and priorities. At the present time, complaints from West European leaders about the effects of high American interest rates on their economies, or about President Reagan's skeptical approach to North-South economic issues, belong in the first category. The current controversy in Europe over nuclear weapons belongs in the second, and now confronts the Alliance with one of its most dangerous tests.
Not much attention was paid in March 1985, when the European Council, whose members include the chiefs of state and government of the 12 member states, decided that it should constitute a single market by 1992. After all, the European Community had been established in 1957 with the goal of a common market, and many people believed that the goal had been reached; tariffs within the Community had been abolished, a common external tariff put in place and a controversial common agricultural policy instituted.

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