Uncovering Ways of War: U.S. Intelligence and Foreign Military Innovation, 1918-1941
According to the conventional narrative, the U.S. military, barely surviving on half-rations, dozed through the interwar period until rudely awakened by the successive shocks of September 1939 and December 1941. Here Mahnken tells a considerably different story. Reassessing the performance of the U.S. Army's Military Intelligence Division and the Navy's Office of Naval Intelligence, he finds that those two largely neglected institutions performed with considerable effectiveness in the interwar period. Well before World War II, a cadre of American military attaches in Tokyo, Berlin, London, and other capitals had identified many (although by no means all) of the innovations that would prove decisive when war came. Mahnken also explores why authorities in Washington -- skeptical of evidence that departed from their own conception of warfare -- failed in too many instances to give that intelligence the credence it deserved. An important argument rendered with deftness and economy and rich in insights for those contemplating more recent failures of intelligence.
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With the obvious exception of Viet Nam, nothing the U.S. Government has done in recent years in the field of foreign policy has created so much controversy as its intelligence operations, especially the secret subsidizing of private American institutions. The sinking of the Liberty with the loss of 34 American lives during the 1967 Arab-Israeli war and the capture of the Pueblo by North Korea in 1968 brought home to the American public the dangers involved in one type of intelligence collection and embarrassed an already beleaguered Administration. Of all the U.S. intelligence organizations, the Central Intelligence Agency has been the most vociferously attacked. It has been accused of perpetrating the 1967 Greek coup, arranging the death of Ché Guevara and even fanning the flames of the recent student riots in Mexico as a means of influencing the Mexican Government to adopt an anti-Castro stance in hemispheric affairs.
Characteristic of American foreign policy since World War II has been the quest for a certain minimum of world order and a practical maximum of American control. Successive schemes for the regulation of power-collective security, bipolar confrontation, and now perhaps the balance of power-have differed in their objects and style. But interventionism-structuring the external political-military environment and determining the behavior of other nations, whether in collaboration, conflict or contention with them- has been the main underlying dimension of our policy. There has been no serious substantive challenge to this premise since the eve of our entry into World War II. The last "great debate," in 1951, over the dispatch of American troops to Europe, was about implementation and constitutional procedure.

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