Being America: Liberty, Commerce, and Violence in an American World
With Being America, a mix of reporting and reflection on America's role in a world shaken by globalization, the intellectual wunderkind Purdy has established himself as a major presence on the American scene. Purdy always seems comfortable, whether visiting sweatshops and labor organizers in Cambodia, chatting with al Qaeda sympathizers in the bazaars of Cairo, or discussing the emotional roots of his generation's approach to branded consumer goods. That said, Being America sometimes misfires. Globalization books inevitably have their thin and gassy stretches; this one is no exception. Purdy sometimes slips from brilliance into mere precocity. His rhetorical stance -- progressive centrism -- is not always compelling: straw men to the left of me, straw men to the right of me, onward I pundit. But these weaknesses are like sunspots on the sun. Purdy's extraordinary range of observation supports a judicious political intelligence and a powerful analytical mind. His core insight -- that Edmund Burke's fundamentally moral concept of liberal society provides an essential critique of both the antiglobalist left and the globalization cheerleaders -- is original and sound. Being America successfully captures our ambivalence about the American model in a sensitive, nuanced, and balanced way.
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Despite some eerie parallels between the position of the United States today and that of the British Empire a century ago, there are key differences. Britain's decline was driven by bad economics. The United States, in contrast, has the strength and dynamism to continue shaping the world -- but only if it can overcome its political dysfunction and reorient U.S. policy for a world defined by the rise of other powers.
The aftermath of the events of 1989 may have invalidated the simple division of the world, into democratic and totalitarian camps, which formed the basis of the Truman doctrine, "but another form of competition has been emerging that could be just as stark and just as pervasive... it is the contest between forces of integration and fragmentation". Forces for integration, or the breaking-down of barriers between nations which conduces to peace, include the communications revolution, growing economic inter-dependence and collective security. Forces of fragmentation, which conduce to war, include nationalism, certain types of religion, and socio-economic inequalities. Yet it is not clear that integrationist forces are generally benign, or fragmentationist forces generally malign, to US national interests, which has historically rested on the balancing of fragmented power. This should indeed remain the key principle of US and allied foreign policy, but henceforward the balance to be kept is not between entities, but between competing processes.
The principal problem with which the world's economies must deal during the coming decade is the unsustainable imbalance of international trade. The United States cannot continue to have annual trade deficits of more than $100 billion, financed by an ever-increasing inflow of foreign capital. The U.S. trade deficit will therefore soon have to shrink and, as it does, the other countries of the world will experience a corresponding reduction in their trade surpluses. Indeed, within the next decade the United States will undoubtedly exchange its trade deficit for a trade surplus. The challenge is to achieve this rebalancing of world demand in a way that avoids both a decline in real economic activity and an increase in the rate of inflation.
