Seven Ages of Paris
Horne has written extensively about France's history, especially its wars, but this book is a story of Paris. Keeping primarily within the confines of political history, he covers nine centuries, from the battle of Bouvines in 1284 to the barricades of 1968. He underscores the tenacity of the medieval French kings as they turned a small, vulnerable town into the capital of a growing, centralizing state. Cardinal Richelieu comes across favorably, whereas Horne's assessment of King Louis xiv (who spent most of his time at Versailles rather than in Paris) is mixed. His distaste for the Revolution is such that he skips it -- even though the Paris of those turbulent, tragic years deserves to be discussed. He prefers to emphasize the city's development under the two Napoleons, contrasting its glitter with the misery of the underclass. But the most moving part of the book is devoted to the years spanning 1870-1940 and 1940-69. The critical French victory at the battle of the Marne in September 1914, the humiliation of Paris in World War II, and above all the great saga of Charles de Gaulle inspire excellent pages. Some of Horne's judgments on modern France are assailable, but his epilogue on the cemetery of Pere Lachaise is a fitting end to this labor of love.
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France's foreign minister, Hubert Vedrine, is often charged with being anti-American. As his new book shows, however, his brand of realist diplomacy is more subtle and pragmatic than his American critics see it.
François Mitterrand, halfway through his term of office, is pursuing a French foreign policy that is more than a footnote to the career of Charles de Gaulle. Making full use of the presidential authority set up by de Gaulle, Mitterrand has been neither inspired nor bound by the Gaullist conception of France's place in the world. Fifteen years after leaving office, de Gaulle still casts a long shadow over France, and even more over perceptions of France. But Mitterrand's responses to the international problems France faces in the 1980s are very different from those of de Gaulle in the 1960s. They reflect a very different idea of what France is in the world and what it can claim to be.
If Voltaire were among us today, and if Candide, his hero, were traveling successively through the various nations of Western Europe, reporting on the deep social and political controversies which surround the question of intermediate-range nuclear forces (INF), no doubt France would appear to him as a nuclear El Dorado--a Panglossian wonderland where, apparently at least, everyone is/or the French nuclear force, against the Soviet SS-20 missiles, and for the impending NATO deployment of Pershing II and cruise missiles in Europe. Everyone, that is, except for a small but divided minority composed of Communists, some right-wing politicians and analysts, a few left-wing Socialists and a tiny group of die-hard "ecologists." All in all, Candide would draw the conclusion that all is well in Socialist France--at least insofar as nuclear weapons are concerned--and that it must be depressing indeed to be an anti-nuclear "peace" activist in such a bizarre country.

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