Wie Weltgeschichte gemacht wird: Frankreich und die deutsche Einheit
American readers who do not read German should at least know about this impressive book on France and German reunification. Most strikingly, it shows how the U.S. perspective on the momentous events of 1989-90 differs from the European one. Accounts written by U.S. officials tell a triumphalist story of a wise American leadership that guided events and skillfully pushed the other actors in the directions that the United States favored. Schabert's story, needless to say, is far more complex. By focusing on French diplomacy, he not only shows how purposeful and largely successful Francois Mitterrand and his aides were but also demolishes the legend that Mitterrand was reluctant to accept German reunification. The French did pose certain conditions, he argues, the most important one being that a united Germany must be encased in Europe and devoted to European integration (including a single European currency). This book is by far the most impressively documented volume on this subject, based on extensive archival work and interviews with key actors on the French and German sides, and Schabert's delineation of their positions is incisive and subtle. (Never have the differences between Mitterrand and Margaret Thatcher on Germany and Europe been more clearly described, nor the continuity of France's Germany policy between Charles de Gaulle and Mitterrand made more obvious.) One hopes this book will quickly find a translator and a publisher in the United States.
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On August 2, 1914, a young officer burst into the office of General Lyautey in Rabat to inform him that hostilities had just broken out between France and Germany. Lyautey, who had spent the greater part of his career in Asia and in Africa and had acquired the habit of looking at problems not on the scale of a general staff map but on the scale of a world map, stopped to think, then lifted his eyes and said slowly: "They are crazy; it is a civil war." The young officer closed the door behind him without understanding. For him, as for most men of his time, the history of the twentieth century, like that of the nineteenth, could only be written by the European peoples; their strife, however tragic the consequences, was thus in the nature of things.
The two world wars are the mountain ranges that dominate the historical landscape of the twentieth century. We still live in their shadows, in America as well as in Europe. Only with these wars did European and American history begin to coincide. The revolutions of 1820, 1830, 1848 and the wars leading to the unification of Italy and Germany marked the nineteenth century in European history, while the major events in American history were the westward movement, the Civil War and mass immigration. These events had certain transatlantic connections, yet not decisive ones. But in the twentieth century the two world wars have been the main events in the history of Europe and America as well.
In a major address on July 4, 1962, the President called for a partnership between the United States and Europe. With the passage of the Trade Bill this "great design" seems to have come a step closer. To many, the Atlantic Community beckons as the great hope of the 1960s. The possibility of establishing a vital Atlantic system is indeed one of the great opportunities of our time. It may well be that to future historians it will appear the distinctive feature of our decade, far transcending in importance the crises which form the headlines of the day.

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