The Partitions of Memory: The Afterlife of the Division of India; Communal Rage in Secular India; A History of India
Indians have long sought to repress the trauma of the 1947 partition, but as communal tensions have risen in recent years, the memories of that event's horrors have been revived and have fueled enduring hatreds. The symposium volume that Kaul has edited captures how partition affected different parts of India and different categories of Indians. Women in particular were helpless victims, and they have passed on the stories of their sufferings to the next generation. The continuing clashes over Kashmir have reinforced the importance of partition in shaping Indian identity, so that Hindu-Muslim hostility has become central to that identity.
Zakaria starts with the horrendous communal riots of February 2002 in Gujarat, which left between 800 and 2,000 dead and 150,000 homeless. He asks how people who had lived together for so long could become so violent toward each other, and he too is led back to partition and its effects on the rise of Hindu nationalism. With the world going mad about him, Zakaria the scholar strives to show through the beautiful texts of the sacred books of both religions how Hindus and Muslims have misjudged the other's beliefs.
In contrast, Robb's scholarly history of India devotes only a few pages to partition, treating it entirely in the context of the ending of British rule. The three India-Pakistan wars are glided over as he concentrates on domestic developments. These books dramatically illustrate that what is recalled by the professional historian can be quite different from the memories of those who experienced the history. In the end, however, Robb has to acknowledge that the ideal of a secular India is now under strain with the rise of Hindu nationalism. But he maintains that secularism is the only scenario that holds hope for India. The landslide victory of the Hindu nationalists in the December 2002 elections in Gujarat, unfortunately, clouds that hope.
Related
The most urgent problems facing Rajiv Gandhi when he assumed office in Oct 1984 were the Punjab, Congress Party reform, the economy and relations with Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Halfway through his five-year term his record is mixed. He is not a politician by instinct, but he may yet develop political skill to enable him to lead India into the 21st century.
Indira Gandhi's assassination on October 31, 1984, marked the passing of the generation that brought India to independence. Mrs. Gandhi was nourished, almost from birth, on the Congress Party's struggle against the British, and was particularly influenced by her party's close links with British socialism in the 1930s. She was deeply suspicious of the business class, even though it supported her with millions of rupees. She was convinced that only if the nation's industry, agriculture and services were closely guided by the state would equity and justice be assured. Wary of "imperialist" pressures on India--political, educational and economic--she never relinquished her belief that "foreign hands" sought to undermine not only Indian stability and independence but her personal political power as well. Although the United States seemed most often to be the target of her concern, the Soviets, British, Chinese, French and most of her South Asian neighbors were also frequently suspect.
Just over 35 years ago, on August 15, 1947, India and Pakistan became independent states. What should have been a joyful occasion was marred by the ghastly slaughter of half a million people and the uprooting of about 15 million men, women and children. Only a few months before, few people had ever heard of the word "Pakistan," a concept invented by a few Muslim intellectuals in 1933 who claimed that there were two distinct nations in India; this idea was then adopted by the Muslim League at its historic meeting in Lahore in 1940 as implying an independent sovereign "homeland" for those Indian Muslims who would choose to opt out of a Hindu-dominated India. This concept, so reminiscent of the idea of a Jewish "homeland" in Palestine (Gunnar Myrdal called it a form of Muslim Zionism), resulted from the primacy of the twentieth century's dominant political "form"--the nation-state within definite geographical boundaries--into whose Procrustean bed the world's diverse populations had to be fitted willy-nilly.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.