Window on Freedom: Race, Civil Rights, and Foreign Affairs, 1945-1988
Each contributor to this first-rate collection examines how the movement for racial equality in America can be better understood if placed in the context of competitive international relations. Most chapters highlight the first two postwar decades, when a complex and halting process of triangulation developed between Washington policymakers, race-focused domestic constituencies from right to left, and foreign critics. The authors argue that domestic calls for reform proved largely unavailing until America's international image and prestige came under withering fire from newly independent African and Asian countries in the fledgling United Nations and exposure of American hypocrisies about race handed the Soviet Union a powerful Cold War card. Specific topics include the impact of Gunnar Myrdal's 1944 classic An American Dilemma, the waning international traction of white supremacist ideologies, shifting attitudes toward Europe's postwar "brown babies," the "unwelcome mat" put out for African diplomats in metropolitan Washington, and the political reverberations of Bandung and Birmingham. Rich footnoting makes this work a very good resource for students of racial factors in international relations.
Related
Any individual or government concerned with pluralism, democracy and human rights must not be complacent about the rise of militant Islamic groups. Islam is incompatible with these values--as shown by the continued oppression of women and minorities in Muslim societies. Support for democratic elections in the Middle East is thus contradictory, because radical Islamic fundamentalists, who are most likely to come to power, have no commitment to democracy. Trying to distinguish between good and bad Islamic groups may be convenient for U.S. policymakers, but it is impossible to determine which ones will keep their promises of democracy and human rights. In practice, few do.
The Congress of Vienna, the Treaty of Versailles, and the NATO-based containment strategy were three pivotal decisions in European diplomacy. Now there is a fourth opportunity to construct a lasting European peace through institutions, new and old. Foremost, NATO must expand, discussing openly which new countries to admit. The Partnership for Peace and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe should coordinate human rights and civilian control of armies. Respect for human rights must extend to Russia, which is why the Chechen campaign has been so disturbing. To turn away from the challenge of this moment and freeze NATO would exact a higher price later.
The Cold War culture of military restraint has given way to increasing atrocities. By remaining a passive witness in the former Yugoslavia, Central Asia, and Chechnya, the United States damages its moral economy. Yet none of these conflicts sufficiently threatens U.S. interests to rouse the nation to arms. The United States should therefore return to the calculating siege craft common before Napoleon, which stressed minimal casualties, partial results, and patience. Every war need not be a heroic national crusade.
