Locating the Proper Authorities: The Interaction of Domestic and International Institutions
Government leaders frequently find their efforts at international collaboration blocked by domestic politics. But sometimes they turn the tables and use international organizations to resist interest groups and parliamentary opponents at home. This volume explores the ways that such institutions become useful domestic tools. John Pevenhouse, for example, shows how political leaders in newly democratizing countries use NATO or NAFTA to lock in political and economic reforms. Kenneth Schultz shows how the Clinton administration was able to use NATO to blunt congressional opposition to humanitarian intervention. Alastair Johnston offers a fascinating account of how China's membership in the Regional Forum of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the un has altered Beijing's views on security. The authors find some interesting patterns: democratic states tend to use international institutions to overcome domestic obstacles, whereas authoritarian states tend to use them to establish their credibility with other governments. Even as the institutional environment in which countries operate is getting denser, this book makes it clear that the distinction between domestic and international politics is becoming increasingly blurred.
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The first U.S. occupation of Haiti lasted almost 20 years and, by creating a modern military, buttressed the forces that have historically polarized the nation. Now American soldiers are back. Will we repeat those mistakes? Or can Haiti-a nation born of a slave revolt, isolated by the discrimination of anxious European and American powers, and inflicted with a parasitic upper class-finally overcome its past? Real democracy will require economic transformation. America must pick a side in the class warfare that has immobilized Haiti for 200 years.
The Oslo accord has failed. Battered by a wave of fundamentalist terrorism, Israelis are ready to elect a hard-line Likud government, while many frustrated Palestinians are spurning the PLO in favor of the Islamic extremists of Hamas. Locked in a political embrace, PLO Chairman Yasir Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin are dragging each other down. The process may stagger on, but it will never yield peace.
South Viet Nam, as is obvious to anyone with the most cursory interest in world affairs, is in the midst of a war, and equally obvious is the fact that this war is being waged by a Communist-controlled insurgent movement supported and directed from Hanoi. Less obvious, but equally important in determining its political complexion and future (including, ultimately, the outcome of the Communist-instigated war) is the fact that South Viet Nam is also in the midst of a social revolution.

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