Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions
In the enormous outpouring of books lambasting the Bush administration for its unilateralism, insensitivity to the needs of allies, excessive support for Israel, contempt for international institutions, imperial pretensions, overvaluation of military power, and neglect for "soft power" in all its many forms, Rogue Nation stands out for its comprehensive scope and its author's willingness to broaden the indictment to at least some aspects of Clinton's foreign policy. Like most of the anti-unilateralist literature streaming off the presses, Rogue Nation revives classic Jeffersonian arguments against what Prestowitz sees as the hubris of a nation drunk on military power and cultural success. Fair enough, and recent events in Iraq are reminding many neoimperialists of the political and human costs that can follow even successful military ventures abroad. But Rogue Nation works a well-ploughed field, and it offers little help to anyone seriously trying to think through a more multilateral strategy for the United States in these dangerous times. It does serve, however, as perhaps the best guide available to the arguments of those who would be happier with a humbler and more cautious Bush administration.
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Every president since Richard Nixon has recognized that ensuring stability in the Persian Gulf is a vital U.S. interest. In its first term, the Clinton administration attempted to deal with the twin dangers of Iran and Iraq through a strategy of "dual containment" that kept both countries boxed in with economic sanctions and military monitoring. Dual containment, however, is more a slogan than a strategy, and far too blunt an instrument to serve American interests in the Middle East. The United States must employ a more nuanced approach, keeping the straitjacket on Saddam while seeking improved relations with Iran.
The failure to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq has prompted much handwringing over the problems with prewar intelligence. Too little attention has been paid, however, to the flip slide of the picture: that the much-maligned UN-enforced sanctions regime actually worked. Contrary to what critics have said, we now know that containment helped destroy Saddam Hussein's war machine and his capacity to produce weapons.
The Middle East that awaits the Clinton administration is a locus of terrorism, drugs, refugees, armaments and oil. Iran, newly pragmatic on domestic and economic issues, is not inclined toward cooperation with either its neighbors or the wider world. Iraq's Saddam Hussein wasted no time in testing the resolve of the incoming American president. Kuwait and Saudi Arabia find an increasingly educated middle class seeking a greater voice in the political process. Turkey, after half a century of avoiding outside entanglements, is a country at risk. The former Soviet republics of Central Asia are newly relevant to American policy, with Muslim fundamentalism on the rise and the nuclear arsenal of Kazakhstan still intact.
