The Fall of France: The Nazi Invasion of 1940
Two years after publishing a remarkable book on France's "dark years" (1940-44), Jackson returns to the historians' battlefield with an investigation of the fall of France in May-June 1940, which he covered much more briefly in the earlier volume. Jackson's account is vivid, particularly sharp and sound in examining the deteriorating relations between France and its often condescending British ally and the increasingly bitter rivalries within the French leadership. There are (at least) three explanations for France's catastrophic defeat. One attributes the loss to crucial mistakes in French strategy. The second emphasizes the battle fatigue that gripped both a sclerotic high command and a deeply pacifist nation exhausted by World War I. And the third focuses on French "decadence" (the title of Jean-Baptiste Duroselle's magisterial book) in the interwar period. Jackson, once again fair and judicious, puts his main emphasis on the military aspects of the defeat: intelligence failure (already emphasized by Ernest May in his Strange Victory), the terrible communications system, and the simultaneously centralized and divided command structure. He also validates much of what the second school has stressed, especially the demoralizing effect of the "phony war" that preceded the Nazi assault, but does not give much credit to the third. His conclusions are reinforced by some intriguing analysis -- e.g., on what distinguished 1940 from 1914 and what were Germany's strengths ("The greatest German weapon was ... surprise") -- and an ingenious study of counterfactuals -- e.g., what would have happened had the United Kingdom been in France's place? The final chapter focuses on the enormous impact of the fall on the French outlook since 1940, and on the birth and long life of the Gaullist vision. Did de Gaulle draw "quite inappropriate conclusions" from 1940, refusing to "accept the geopolitical realities underlying France's decline," or did he inspire France's "capacity for survival and reinvention"? Jackson ends by quoting Chou En-lai's famous answer to a question about the effects of the French Revolution: "It is too early to tell."
Related
On August 2, 1914, a young officer burst into the office of General Lyautey in Rabat to inform him that hostilities had just broken out between France and Germany. Lyautey, who had spent the greater part of his career in Asia and in Africa and had acquired the habit of looking at problems not on the scale of a general staff map but on the scale of a world map, stopped to think, then lifted his eyes and said slowly: "They are crazy; it is a civil war." The young officer closed the door behind him without understanding. For him, as for most men of his time, the history of the twentieth century, like that of the nineteenth, could only be written by the European peoples; their strife, however tragic the consequences, was thus in the nature of things.
The two world wars are the mountain ranges that dominate the historical landscape of the twentieth century. We still live in their shadows, in America as well as in Europe. Only with these wars did European and American history begin to coincide. The revolutions of 1820, 1830, 1848 and the wars leading to the unification of Italy and Germany marked the nineteenth century in European history, while the major events in American history were the westward movement, the Civil War and mass immigration. These events had certain transatlantic connections, yet not decisive ones. But in the twentieth century the two world wars have been the main events in the history of Europe and America as well.
In a major address on July 4, 1962, the President called for a partnership between the United States and Europe. With the passage of the Trade Bill this "great design" seems to have come a step closer. To many, the Atlantic Community beckons as the great hope of the 1960s. The possibility of establishing a vital Atlantic system is indeed one of the great opportunities of our time. It may well be that to future historians it will appear the distinctive feature of our decade, far transcending in importance the crises which form the headlines of the day.

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