Sex and the State: Abortion, Divorce, and the Family Under Latin American Dictatorships and Democracies
This remarkable book will immediately establish Htun as a major thinker on Latin America, gender, and theories of dictatorship and democratization. Masterfully challenging much conventional wisdom, she offers a fascinating exegesis of how Argentina, Brazil, and Chile responded to challenges to their traditional patriarchal laws on family life and gender relations between the 1960s and the 1990s. She demonstrates how reform came about in surprising ways -- in Brazil, the military dictatorship legalized divorce, and Pinochet's government in Chile gave women full civil rights for the first time -- and emphasizes that transitions to democracy do not necessarily lead to the liberalization of gender laws. Indeed, the opposite often occurs; Latin American democracies have, for example, uniformly failed to change old laws on abortion. This Htun attributes to the region's lack of a history of constitutional liberalism and the institutions that sustain it. Democracy, therefore, opens the door to both liberal and illiberal mobilization on gender policy (and, given the influence of the Catholic Church in countries without a strong civil society, the latter is often more likely). Reform depends more on the separation of church and state and the juridical equality of citizens than on democratization alone.
Related
To some degree, biology is destiny. The feminist school of international relations has a point: a truly matriarchal world would be less prone to conflict and more cooperative than the one we now inhabit. And world politics has been gradually feminizing over the past century. But the broader scene will still be populated by states led by men like Mobutu, Milosevic, or Saddam. If tomorrow's troublemakers are armed with nuclear weapons, we might be better off being led by women like Margaret Thatcher than, say, Gro Harlem Brundtland. Masculine policies will still be essential even in a feminized world.
Backing women's rights in developing countries isn't just good ethics; it's also sound economics. Growth and living standards get a dramatic boost when women are given just a bit more education, political clout, and economic opportunity. So the United States should aggressively promote women's rights abroad. And by couching its case in economic terms, it might even overcome the resistance of conservative Muslim countries that have long balked at gender equality.
Governments and international organizations recognize that empowering women in the developing world is a catalyst for achieving a range of policy and development goals. It is time for multinational corporations to come to the same realization -- funding education and training female business leaders is good for business.

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