Red Capitalists in China: The Party, Private Entrepreneurs, and Prospects for Political Change
In seeking enlightenment about where China may be heading with its peculiar combination of a Leninist political system and a market economy, Dickson examines in some detail the attitudes and behaviors of the rapidly emerging class of Chinese private entrepreneurs. Even before Jiang Zemin's 2001 declaration that private entrepreneurs should be allowed to join the party, businessmen already sought the advantages of membership. Based on responses to carefully designed questionnaires, Dickson finds that in response to the party's demonstration of remarkable adaptability, business leaders easily took on the role of "red capitalists." The result is a form of corporatist bonding between the state and civil society, which Dickson believes will give China a high degree of political stability. He throws a bit of cold water, however, on the hopes of those who expect such a business-based civil society to bring democracy to China in the near future. What he does foresee is a steady improvement in the lives of a growing middle class. But if democracy is to come, there will have to be a crisis that splits the party elite.
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There is no major political system today about which we have less data and fewer meaningful facts than that of Communist China. Yet decisions which will shape our diplomacy, and more concretely our military establishment, for years ahead must be made in the light of what we now surmise to be the Chinese people's character and dynamics. Inescapably we fall back upon abstractions and gross generalizations.
For a long time it was thought that the way the People's Republic of China was being governed opened a new chapter in Chinese history. Some scholars argued that the communist system in China was a continuation of Confucianism, but a closer look disclosed little resemblance. The country was subject to spasmodic, repetitious political campaigns; the national economy constantly went through major reshuffles-land reform, socialization, communization, the retreat from communization and the Great Leap Forward. Traditional Chinese values were repudiated or ignored. Even the old Chinese concern for "face" seemed to be disregarded. Everybody was expected to expose in public meetings the evil words and evil deeds of friends and colleagues, of parents and brothers. The traditional Chinese family was severely disrupted, though, as the old Chinese proverb says, it is useless to attack a city if the hearts are not won over. The hearts were not won over, but for a long time it appeared that the régime was solidly established and enjoying general support, if not from love, then from fear.
Mao Tse-tung's latest battle is almost certainly his last. It will also probably lead to his first major and irreversible defeat. A superb political tactician, he should be able to destroy his old companions who have turned against him. But this will not attain for Mao what he set out to achieve with his "cultural revolution." For he seeks nothing less than the rejuvenation of a great revolution, the rebirth in middle age of the drive, the passion, the selflessness and the discipline it had in its youth a third of a century ago. But the clock can hardly be turned back, and a nation in the age of nuclear bombs and computers cannot behave as if this were still the age of millet and rifles.

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