India as an Emerging Power
This symposium volume by mainly American authors analyzes India's successes and failures in trying to become a bigger player in international politics. Robert Hathaway recounts how Washington's efforts to thaw relations with New Delhi have run into difficulties because of divergence over nuclear proliferation, China, India's economic liberalization, and tensions with Pakistan. Stephen Cohen takes on the troublesome but persistent Kashmir problem. John Garver explores the asymmetrical perceptions of threat that plague India-China relations. It becomes clear that India is still paying for its costly commitment to the losing side in the Cold War. The war on terrorism since September 11, 2001, has helped give India a slightly stronger voice internationally. But years of naive belief in their own rhetoric about being the leader of a significant Nonaligned Movement has left Indian leaders unsure of how to present themselves internationally or even as a regional power in South Asia. The rise of a mindless form of Hindu nationalism further muddies the waters. Although most of the authors are cautiously optimistic, this useful set of essays illuminates the obstacles that get in the way of India's playing a larger international role.
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The Clinton administration's new coziness with China has left India feeling insecure, Taiwan betrayed, and Japan ignored.
Since independence, India's nuclear policy has been to seek either global disarm ament or equal security for all. The old nonproliferation regime was discriminatory, ratifying the possession of nuclear weapons for the permanent five members of the U.N. Security Council while preaching to the nuclear have-nots about the virtues of disarmament. India was left sandwiched between two nuclear weapons powers, Pakistan and a rising China. The end of the Cold War has not ushered in an era where globalization and trade trump old-fashioned security woes. If nuclear deterrence works in the West, why won't it work in India?
The West accounts for a disproportionate share of world income because it has already passed through capitalist development. Now that Asia is becoming capitalist, it will return to the center of the world economy, where it was in the early nineteenth century. Current currency crises are only blips on the screen. Asia's miracle transpired not because of shrewd industrial policy or great leaps forward but because countries attracted foreign investment and moved up the development ladder one rung at a time. But ahead lies the challenge, particularly for India and China, of establishing modern governments.

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