India as an Emerging Power
This symposium volume by mainly American authors analyzes India's successes and failures in trying to become a bigger player in international politics. Robert Hathaway recounts how Washington's efforts to thaw relations with New Delhi have run into difficulties because of divergence over nuclear proliferation, China, India's economic liberalization, and tensions with Pakistan. Stephen Cohen takes on the troublesome but persistent Kashmir problem. John Garver explores the asymmetrical perceptions of threat that plague India-China relations. It becomes clear that India is still paying for its costly commitment to the losing side in the Cold War. The war on terrorism since September 11, 2001, has helped give India a slightly stronger voice internationally. But years of naive belief in their own rhetoric about being the leader of a significant Nonaligned Movement has left Indian leaders unsure of how to present themselves internationally or even as a regional power in South Asia. The rise of a mindless form of Hindu nationalism further muddies the waters. Although most of the authors are cautiously optimistic, this useful set of essays illuminates the obstacles that get in the way of India's playing a larger international role.
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The Clinton administration's new coziness with China has left India feeling insecure, Taiwan betrayed, and Japan ignored.
Since independence, India's nuclear policy has been to seek either global disarm ament or equal security for all. The old nonproliferation regime was discriminatory, ratifying the possession of nuclear weapons for the permanent five members of the U.N. Security Council while preaching to the nuclear have-nots about the virtues of disarmament. India was left sandwiched between two nuclear weapons powers, Pakistan and a rising China. The end of the Cold War has not ushered in an era where globalization and trade trump old-fashioned security woes. If nuclear deterrence works in the West, why won't it work in India?
The thirteenth Dalai Lama, Thupten Gyatso, the incarnation of Tibet's patron deity, Chenresi, "the Buddha of mercy," passed on to "the Honorable Field" in 1933, there to await rebirth as the present Dalai Lama in 1935. Toward the end of his long rule he was gravely worried by the communist suppression of Lamaist Buddhism in Mongolia, which for almost four hundred years had been dominated by the Tibetan form of religion. In creating a Mongolian nation on the Soviet pattern in the 1920s and early 1930s, Mongolian Communists destroyed almost all the monasteries which regarded the Dalai Lama in Lhasa as their spiritual leader, reducing organized religion to a few showpiece relics. The Dalai Lama warned his people that "unless we can guard our own country, it will now happen that the Dalai and Panchen Lamas, the Father and the Son, the Holders of the Faith, the glorious Rebirths, will be broken down and left without a name . . . the officers of the state, ecclesiastical and secular, will find their lands seized and their other property confiscated, and they themselves made to serve their enemies, or wander about the country as beggars do. All beings will be sunk in great hardship and in overpowering fear; the days and the nights will drag on slowly in suffering."
