From Cape to Congo: Southern Africa's Evolving Security Challenges; Security and Politics in South Africa: The Regional Dimension
Both of these works argue that human-centered security policies must replace outmoded and dysfunctional state-centered security thinking in southern Africa. They also concur that the prime time for effecting this shift is slipping away as South Africa's first post-liberation decade ends. Taking the view that military power is less vital to securing peace in the region than are increased political capacity and legitimacy, Baregu and Landsberg's collection looks at obstacles to better governance, faster land reform, and more effective responses to the aids crisis.
Contributors review the region's security architecture of national, regional, and extraregional institutions and actors, achieving a broad sweep at the cost of significant depth. A mere two paragraphs based on media sources assess Thabo Mbeki's approach to Zimbabwe's political implosion. Vale's book is an alternately refreshing and irritating polemic against Pretoria's old-guard security establishment, filtered through a barrage of critical theory and postmodernist jargon. Two sketchy cases -- South Africa's harsh treatment of African immigrants and its 1998 invasion of Lesotho -- provide a hook for Vale's plea for South Africa to downgrade its attachment to Westphalian principles of sovereignty and construct a friendlier sense of community with its neighbors. Some readers will enjoy the theoretical ramblings; others will wonder why we must "interrogate the discursive formation" of things when we could just as well question their underlying assumptions.
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In civil war, hatreds are more intimate than in international conflict. The enemy is less awesome; he is killed with more conviction that he deserves it. Invariably-inevitably-the death tolls are higher. The American Civil War set records for its day. Despite the limited weaponry and skill, the Biafran war has taken the lives of an estimated two million people, mostly starved children. And now a war that is already engaging about 26,000 black guerrillas and approximately a quarter-million white or white-officered troops in Mozambique, Angola, Rhodesia, South Africa and Namibia (the United Nations' new name for South West Africa) offers such a prospect of escalation that it can hardly help but be bigger, in cemetery terms, than Viet Nam. In this corner of the globe, whose fair hills make a savage contrast with the ugliness wrought by man, the restless spirit of Nazism, with its accent on genetic myth and legal caste, will perhaps be put to rest in a swamp of blood.
The white minority régime in South Africa should not be thought of as a conservative government It is, instead, a radical right-wing government which has successfully transformed South African society to conform to the ideology of apartheid. Apartheid is an élitist ideology advocating racial separation and the entrenchment and perpetuation of white domination. Apartheid has fragmented South Africa into racial and ethnic groups, and established an authoritarian racial hierarchy which permeates all aspects of society and concentrates political, economic and military power in the hands of the state; the entire apparatus is controlled by the Afrikaners- the dominant group among the whites, who in turn are the dominant group in the society as a whole.
The southern segment of the African continent includes: Angola and Mozambique, two vast Portuguese colonies whose peoples are in revolt; Rhodesia, a British possession whose government is in rebellion; the Republic of South Africa, officially committed to a racist ideology; and the international Territory of South West Africa, illegally occupied by the neighboring Republic. These diverse lands share a common attribute, which is both unique and menacing: domination by white minorities of black populations many times their number.
