The Privatization of Foreign Aid: Reassessing National Largesse
Critics have long derided the U.S. government for stinginess in international giving. But such charges miss the point. Today, it is private funds that make the difference in poor countries, and here the United States leads the pack.
Carol C. Adelman was Assistant Administrator at the Agency for International Development from 1988 to 1993 and is currently a Senior Fellow at the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C.
Foreign aid has returned to the center of U.S. foreign policy. In the decade after World War II, U.S. government dollars helped rebuild Europe and Asia and contain Soviet influence. In the decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union, aid helped newly democratic states recover from the miseries of communism. Today, a third wave of foreign aid is starting to foster development and democracy, particularly in the Middle East, and to stem the onset of pandemics in the developing world.
But even as Washington reemphasizes the importance of aid, critics, from journalists and academics to former presidents, ritually blast the United States for being stingy. President George W. Bush's pledge to increase aid 50 percent by 2006 -- the biggest boost since the Marshall Plan was launched in 1948 -- and new legislation devoting an additional $15 billion to fight aids, tuberculosis, and malaria have done little to stave off such attacks. Critics -- noting that the United States, despite giving the greatest absolute amount, comes in last among industrialized nations in terms of aid as a percentage of national income -- have tagged it the most miserly of nations.
What such criticism fails to take into account is the new landscape of foreign aid. Current measures of a nation's largesse only count funds doled out by the government, thus ignoring the primary way in which Americans help others abroad: through the private sector. In the last decade, U.S. government aid has been far outstripped by private donations -- from foundations, private voluntary organizations (PVOS), corporations, universities, religious groups, and individuals giving directly to needy family members abroad. There is no comprehensive measure of how much Americans donate overseas, but a conservative estimate, based on surveys and voluntary reporting, puts annual private giving around $35 billion. Even this low-ball figure is more than three and a half times the amount of official development assistance (ODA) given out in a year by the U.S. government. In the third wave of foreign aid, it is private money that is making the difference.
THE ODA FALLACY
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IN the spring of 1964 representatives of more than 110 countries will gather in Geneva for the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. To say that the less developed countries have high hopes for this event would be the understatement of the year. Again and again at meetings of the Preparatory Committee for the Conference the refrain was that the Conference would be the single most important international event for the less developed countries since the founding of the United Nations. These countries look to the Conference to lay the foundations for a "new international division of labor"; to formulate a new and "dynamic international trade policy"; and, as one representative to the Preparatory Committee recently wrote, to advance the goal of "economic emancipation" from the neo-colonialism implicit in present trade relations between rich and poor countries.
In recent months, many observers have concluded that the United States and Europe are on divergent paths and that the transatlantic alliance is crumbling. In spite of some real differences, however, American and European attitudes remain remarkably similar on most key issues. Basing policy on the false assumption of transatlantic divorce would only make it a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Nongovernmental organizations, activist shareholders, and "socially responsible" investment funds have launched a corporate ethics crusade that has pushed executives to consider more than just the bottom line. Goaded by media interest, however, NGOs prefer to shout solutions rather than engage in objective research. Worse, the symbiotic relationship they are forging with firms could backfire and harm the world's poor.
