Blair's Wars
This is the story of how the leader of the United Kingdom's once-pacifist Labor Party fought five wars in six years: in Iraq in 1998, in Kosovo, in Sierra Leone, in Afghanistan, and again in Iraq last year. Kampfner, a journalist at the "New Statesman," relies on extensive interviews to construct an excellent inside account of Tony Blair's diplomacy with the world at large and within his own government and party. The ironies abound: the former leftist becoming a hawk; the politician once derided as all style taking great political risks because of his convictions; the hero to Americans being applauded in Congress for policies that were deeply unpopular back home. On the controversial question of whether Blair supported the war out of conviction or out of reflexive support for Washington, Kampfner's answer is "both." Blair's actions demonstrate a consistent willingness to use force to good end, but, as one cabinet minister told Kampfner, "Supporting the Americans is part of Tony's DNA."
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Astonishing events in Czechoslovakia were only the latest in a series of changes in the communist world that took the outside world by surprise. The thaw and Hungarian rebellion of 1956, China's break with the Soviet Union and immersion in internal convulsion, and even the rejection of Russian control in Rumania-all were largely unforeseen (with only a few exceptions) even by expert opinion in the West, Like military planners who prepare for the last war, commentators on communist affairs in their preoccupation with accounting for the last surprise have often left the public unprepared for the next one. The concept of monolithic totalitarianism, based on parallels between Hitler and the later Stalin, ill prepared us to expect rebellion in Hungary; preoccupation with the Sino-Soviet split (which was only belatedly thought to be important, and then rapidly promoted into being the controlling factor in the divided communist world of the sixties) distracted us from any expectation of liberal deviation in Czechoslovakia.
U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali's clearest statement yet of his bid for reelection conveniently glosses over the greatest stain on his record: his failure to seize the moral initiative in Bosnia.
On June 29, after almost five months of discussion and preparation, the East German Communist régime denounced an agreement for public debates to be held in both German states between its spokesmen and the leaders of West Germany's opposition Social Democratic Party. The plan for a high-level confrontation, the first of its kind since Germany was partitioned at the end of the Second World War, was the result of an East German initiative. It had aroused intense interest and some exaggerated hopes among Germans on both sides of the Iron Curtain.
