Visions of America and Europe: September 11, Iraq, and Transatlantic Relations
Of the many books analyzing the clash between the Bush administration and much of Europe, this one, based on a conference held in 2003, is among the most valuable. This is so not only because of shrewd analyses by its coeditors, Serfaty (who provides a disenchanted introduction on "multidimensional ambivalence" on both sides of the Atlantic) and Balis (who takes on "elite Europhobia" in the United States); it also stems from its inclusion of multiple viewpoints. Christopher Hill incisively analyzes the dilemmas faced by the United Kingdom in its relationship with Washington. Guillaume Parmentier provides a sensible account of Franco-American divergences, especially over conceptions of power. Michael Sturmer writes critically of a "German revolution waiting to happen." Dmitri Trenin subtly describes Vladimir Putin's efforts to stay close to Washington and the hostility of Russian elites to his policy. The volume offers no bold views of a transatlantic future-common or fractured-but that is hardly the fault of the authors: recent haggling over NATO's role in Iraq shows that transatlantic relations have yet to overcome the traumas of 2003.
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For the first time in a generation, there is real hope for peace in Northern Ireland. A fortunate political constellation in Britain, the United States, and Ireland provided the impetus to make the compromises needed for a viable pact. But the Good Friday Agreement is fragile. It survived its first major challenge, this summer's marching season and its attendant strife, only by a grim kind of Irish luck: a brutal bombing that killed three boys and inspired both unionists and republicans to renew their commitment to the accord. The province's new government will face more such challenges, and its ability to overcome them depends on a few good men.
Noel Malcolm's history of Serbia's flashpoint province is marred by his sympathies for its ethnic Albanian separatists, anti-Serbian bias, and illusions about the Balkans.
The Clinton administration erred grievously in threatening intervention in the northern Balkans (Bosnia, Serbia, Croatia) and then quailing when it was needed. But in the southern Balkans (Macedonia, Albania, Greece, Turkey), U.S. diplomacy has been successful, particularly compared with the clownish efforts of European nations. Capable U.S. envoys have worked hard to reverse the growing polarization of Greece and Turkey. Moreover, U.S. support has helped reinforce the fragile geographic firewall, Macedonia, thus preventing a wider regional war.

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