Liberia: Portrait of a Failed State; The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia
Readers looking for a general introduction to Liberian politics and the events that led to civil war in the 1990s will appreciate Pham's book, which starts with a history of the country's founding, covers the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in three competent chapters, and then provides an excellent description of the country's collapse into warlordism during the last ten years. Pham skillfully untangles the ethnic divisions within Liberia and shows how they interacted with regional dynamics to turn the conflict into a regional conflagration. Little new ground is broken, but the author has provided a balanced account that will be much appreciated as an overview.
One of Pham's themes is the close historical linkages between the United States and Liberia. From its origin as a refuge for ex-slaves from the U.S. South, the country was a virtual U.S. colony, reliant on military and financial assistance to retain its nominal independence from the European colonial powers. Clegg's remarkable volume offers much useful insight on these links by detailing the conditions under which the country was founded. Focusing on the emigration of some 2,000 African Americans from North Carolina over the course of the nineteenth century, he analyzes the motivations for the emigration movement, the organizations that sponsored it, and their complicated involvement in U.S. racial politics both before and after the Emancipation Proclamation. He also describes the extraordinarily difficult lives the settlers endured once they arrived, beset by endemic malaria and conflict with hostile indigenous groups and often woefully unprepared for local conditions. Elegantly written and extensively documented with Liberian and North Carolinian archival materials, Clegg offers a fascinating view of the origins of Liberia as well as some intriguing clues to its current dilemmas.
Related
There is always something new out of Africa," said the ancient Greeks, as recorded by Pliny the Elder. The contemporary Africa-watcher, however, might be forgiven for wondering whether it is not all more of the same. In 1984, as in 1983, events in southern Africa and the devastating drought and famine which cost the lives of countless tens of thousands again dominated the year. For Nigerians, the new year began with yet another military government, which had ousted the elected civilian administration on the last day of 1983. In Chad, civil war ground on with no solution in sight. Libya's unpredictable leader, Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi, continued to make headlines with stories ranging from the killing of a British policewoman in London to his dabbling in the affairs of Chad and other countries. At the United Nations, the controversy over Namibia continued to set records as the longest running debate in that organization's history. And U.S. suggestions that its policy of "constructive engagement" with South Africa was succeeding continued to be greeted with skepticism in many quarters.
The beginning of the end of Yassir Arafat? The Palestine Liberation Front on the point of irrevocable disintegration? The twilight of the Palestinian movement? No sooner had a mutiny been declared in a Fatah barracks in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley last May than the international press was full of such questions -- legitimate, to be sure, but premature to say the least. And the political analysts who hastened to reply in the affirmative often did so without sufficiently taking into account the complexity of the crisis or the roles of the various protagonists -- behind the scenes as well as center stage -- their stated objectives, ulterior motives and miscalculations.
The first U.S. occupation of Haiti lasted almost 20 years and, by creating a modern military, buttressed the forces that have historically polarized the nation. Now American soldiers are back. Will we repeat those mistakes? Or can Haiti-a nation born of a slave revolt, isolated by the discrimination of anxious European and American powers, and inflicted with a parasitic upper class-finally overcome its past? Real democracy will require economic transformation. America must pick a side in the class warfare that has immobilized Haiti for 200 years.
