What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation Building
What are, and what should be, the legal and ethical norms governing the U.S. role in Iraq? Feldman's answer, set within a crisp and provocative examination of international law and historical experiences with colonialism, trusteeships, and mandates, is that having broken the Iraqi government, Washington has an obligation to bring about a new and better one. The United States, with the United Nations and allies if and as feasible, should assume the role of the "nonpaternalistic nation builder," whose primary responsibility is to "impose security... to prevent civil war or anarchy" and then to organize elections to set the stage for eventual withdrawal. Feldman weaves into his argument perceptive accounts of the U.S. experience in Iraq (where he served as a legal adviser) in 2003 and 2004 and wrestles with the kinds of observations the realist school of international relations would raise. He notes in passing that the United States owes Iraq a better job of nation building than the British provided after World War I. At this point, however, many Americans and Iraqis might settle for one that is merely no worse.
Related
The Foreigner's Gift is vintage Fouad Ajami: bold, crisp, wide-ranging, and discursive, it will surely both inform and provoke. But can the U.S. invasion of Iraq really be defended as a noble mission regardless of its cause -- or its outcome?
The traditional goals of U.S. foreign aid -- promoting U.S. security and fostering development in poor countries -- are no longer as pressing after the Cold War. Washington must revamp its approach to aid and address new, urgent priorities: shoring up peacekeeping efforts in such places as the Middle East and the Balkans; easing the transition to globalization; tackling transnational environmental crises and diseases; and improving the quality of life for the world's neediest. This new diplomacy will not only transform U.S. aid but bolster its relevance to American interests and values in a rapidly changing world.
President Bush's case for war on Iraq overlooks a very real danger: if pushed to the wall, Saddam Hussein may resort to using weapons of mass destruction against the United States. Such a strike may not be likely, or may not succeed, but attacking Saddam is the best way to guarantee that it will happen. And Washington has done far too little to prepare for it.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.