A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism
The dominant narrative of modern China has centered around its transformation from a universalistic empire to a modern nation-state--especially the difficulties of constructing viable elite and mass versions of nationalism. In this major work, Zhao examines the concept of nationalism in the context of modern Chinese history, exhibiting a total command of a huge body of literature by both Chinese and Western scholars. The framework of his story is well known--from the humiliation of the Opium War and the treaty port system to the fall of the Manchus, the May Fourth Movement, and the attempts to fuse communism and nationalism--but his narrative has a freshness and sharpness thanks to his skillful analysis of the complex sentiments that shaped Chinese nationalism at every turn. Zhao holds out hope that, after all the pain China has suffered in the process of modernizing, the country will continue to develop a form of "pragmatic nationalism"--focused on economic growth, and thus concerned with political stability and national unity. All of China's top leaders since Deng Xiaoping have been pragmatic nationalists, Zhao notes, but other versions of nationalism have also won support from sectors of the population.
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There is no major political system today about which we have less data and fewer meaningful facts than that of Communist China. Yet decisions which will shape our diplomacy, and more concretely our military establishment, for years ahead must be made in the light of what we now surmise to be the Chinese people's character and dynamics. Inescapably we fall back upon abstractions and gross generalizations.
This year India celebrates the twenty-fifth anniversary of her independence. These have been years of change and turmoil everywhere. Deep surging forces have torn asunder our past colonial feudal structures and have combined with the tides sweeping the world to give our post- independence evolution its unique qualities. But our own unvarying concerns have been two: to safeguard our independence and to overcome the blight of poverty.
The great hurrahs of the Cultural Revolution, the slogans, the messianic fervor, the public humiliation of the heretics are all gone. A visitor to Peking is impressed by nothing so much as by the return to normalcy, by pragmatism and-if one could imagine it in a Spartan land-a feeling of relaxation. Indeed, one might easily think that there had never been the awesome upheaval of 1966-69 "to change men's souls." Human frailty is once again understood, and there is at least an implied recognition that man does not live by faith alone.

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