The Lights That Failed: European International History, 1919-1933
This huge study of Europe after the end of World War I is an awesome achievement, thanks to the author's extraordinary immersion in diplomatic and economic history and expertise in the complex issues of debts and reparations, security and disarmament, and nationalism. One of the many virtues of the book is Steiner's awareness of the domestic pressures that statesmen of the time faced, thanks to the collapse of the walls between domestic and foreign affairs. The first part deals with the attempt to put together the pieces of a "shattered Europe"; the second covers the "hinge years," 1929-33, when world recession, the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, and the rise of Hitler undermined the global system and destroyed the hopes of internationalism. Many of Steiner's insights (for example, that if the League of Nations "was accepted as part of the international landscape, it was because it did not attempt too much," or that "the equivocal nature of Britain's commitment to Europe" undermined France's position) are familiar. But her exploration is so thorough and incisive that, to this reader at least, her story felt as new as it was tragic.
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The French always seem to be opposing the United States on some issue or other. They coddle Saddam Hussein and denounce American "cultural imperialism." Why is France so difficult to deal with? It is, quite simply, in a bad mood, unsure of its place and status in a new world. The French are jealous of America, which seems to run the world; afraid of globalization, which threatens to erode their culture; and ambivalent about European unification, which might drown out their voice. France must meet these challenges while struggling with a cumbersome statist economy and a rising extreme right. To do it all, France must transcend itself.
The Dayton Accord is a bold attempt to create a nation in the face of ethnic hatred and fear, and it just may succeed-but only if U.S. troops stay and the coalition overseeing the peace puts the security of Muslims, Serbs, and Croats before their integration. For now, each group feels safe only with their own kind, and their self-created partition should be allowed to stand while the trauma of war fades. Material need and the desire for profit may bring the three peoples together in time. Meanwhile, the international community must rectify the gross disparity between the reconstruction aid and military supplies flowing to the Muslims and the crumbs and punitive attitude that are the Serbs' lot.
The waning use of Russian in the old Soviet bloc is a gauge of the severity of the Soviet collapse. What is prized now is German and, above all, English.

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