The Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939
The second of a three-volume history of the Third Reich, Evans' new book is a masterly and exhaustive account of the transformation of Germany by the Nazi regime as Hitler prepared the nation for war. Nazism, in Evans' view, was not a new religion, but rather a militaristic enterprise. He rejects the argument that because the terror only affected small minorities, the regime did not primarily rely on terror as a mode of control -- it "intimidated Germans into acquiescence." Yet its main goal was "to rouse [the population] into positive, enthusiastic endorsement" of Nazi ideals and policies -- hence the vital importance of propaganda and the reduction of art to an instrument of propaganda. Anti-Semitism became "a principle governing private life as well as public" after September 1935, and Evans describes eloquently what this meant. He concludes, however, that "above all ... it was the Nazis' nationalism that won people's support; and it was Hitler who set the pace towards his ultimate goal: 'war.'" This is a most impressive study -- and an endlessly distressing one.
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The French always seem to be opposing the United States on some issue or other. They coddle Saddam Hussein and denounce American "cultural imperialism." Why is France so difficult to deal with? It is, quite simply, in a bad mood, unsure of its place and status in a new world. The French are jealous of America, which seems to run the world; afraid of globalization, which threatens to erode their culture; and ambivalent about European unification, which might drown out their voice. France must meet these challenges while struggling with a cumbersome statist economy and a rising extreme right. To do it all, France must transcend itself.
A new biography of Cardinal Richelieu shows him to be one of the greatest examples in history of the politician as high-stakes gambler. He may not have created modern France or made it the leading force in Europe, as some argue. But his actions paved the way for his successors to do so, which is no small feat.
Kosovo has reinforced the Balkans' image as a cauldron of ethnic hatred. Many commentators argue that the region has always been wracked by ancient hatreds, while others maintain that today's strains are artificially created by cynical postcommunist demagogues looking to legitimate their rule. Neither school has it right. Balkan ethnic strains are neither as ancient as time nor as recent as the rise to power of Slobodan Milosevic; rather, they are about as old as the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. To a historian, today's Balkan crises are rooted in, above all, a crippling dependence on the ideology of expansionist nationalism.
