The Idea of a European Superstate: Public Justification and European Integration
This well-written, well-argued, and challenging essay offers both a strong contribution to the debate about the shape of European integration and an argument for the relevance of political philosophy to international relations. Morgan tries to establish what kind of Europe best fulfills the requirements of "public justification." He settles on three components of a democratic standard of justification: a requirement of publicity (arguments "must appeal to reasons that all suitably situated Europeans could accept"), a requirement of accessibility (arguments "must be understandable by ordinary people"), and a requirement of sufficiency (arguments must show that a federal European politics "provides an effective and efficient protection for the goods or benefits that purport to justify its existence"). Morgan moves on to expose the weakness of nationalist Euroskepticism and then examines two different possible Europes. One is "post-sovereign Europe," "a radically decentered polity ... held together by practices of dialogue and contestation." The other, which has Morgan's favor, is a sovereign Europe, "premised on the contribution a federal Europe would make to individual security." The costs of the current unipolarity, Morgan argues, are too high, and the Europe he calls for requires internal sovereignty, secured through "the construction of parallel, nonduplicative political structures that can gain legitimacy only as they demonstrate efficacy."
Related
Despite the myriad setbacks of recent months, the U.S.-European alliance is not doomed. But repairing it will require a strategic overhaul no less bold than that which followed the end of the Cold War. The key to today's transatlantic divide is not power but purpose. To revive and revamp the alliance, therefore, the United States and the European Union must forge a new grand strategy capable of meeting the great challenges of the era: expanding the Euro-Atlantic community and stabilizing the greater Middle East.
It becomes clearer and clearer that January 14, 1963, is fated to go down in history as the "black Monday" of both European policy and Atlantic policy. What occurred that day was something much more significant than the mere dooming of negotiations between Great Britain and the European Community. It was, in plain fact, an attack on the Atlantic Alliance and the European Community-an attack, that is, on the two most significant achievements of the free world since the end of the Second World War.
In many areas, transatlantic cooperation is stronger than ever before. Yet the common perception is of an increasingly fraught relationship, as evidenced by the well-known disputes over beef, bananas, and burden sharing. Assumptions are diverging over security risks and cultural values. Each side criticizes the other's unwieldy policymaking process without admitting its own shortcomings, while leaders pander to domestic interests and prejudices without educating voters on international issues. Europe nonetheless remains indispensable to a multilateral U.S. foreign policy. The Bush administration must acknowledge the European Union as a true partner, in political and military matters as well as in economics. America cannot expect its allies to share the burdens of global leadership without allowing them their say in the issues at stake.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.