Modern Romania: The End of Communism, the Failure of Democratic Reform, and the Theft of a Nation
Romanians, whatever their other disagreements, normally agree that the long interludes under foreign domination are to blame for the country's shortcomings. Wrong, says Gallagher. Over the last century and a half, whatever the genuine burdens imposed by outside overlords, Romania's stunted progress is owed mostly to self-seeking elites and "a fragmented and mutually distrustful society" that allowed the pilfering of the state at the expense of the common good. This has been going on for a long time, and never more egregiously than under the communists. Gallagher pulls no punches in taking the measure of the two postcommunist phases under Ion Iliescu, and even the 1996-2000 interim under putative reformers he judges a failure -- not least because the reformers "were in office, but not in power," an insight that sadly may apply elsewhere. Gallagher thinks in neat, clear categories and writes with a style to match.
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New general elections will be held in Italy in May. The present government coalition (formed by Christian Democrats and Socialists, with the addition of the very few but earnest Republicans) will defend itself on two fronts. From the radical Right will come the assaults of the not-numerous neo- Fascists and the still scarcer last-stand Monarchists; much more vigorous and dangerous attacks will be launched by the radical Left, the Communists and the revolutionary Socialists. Both radical Right and Left are theoretically sworn to destroy the present state of things and erect diametrically opposite régimes on the smoking ruins and the carnage. Such apocalyptic prospectives are not difficult to defeat, as they provoke more fear than hope in large sectors of the electorate.
For the third time in a generation-1938, 1948, 1968-Czechoslovakia has transformed the political atmosphere of the civilized world. The eight- month "Prague spring," the Soviet invasion of August 20 and its grim consequences have stirred strong emotions throughout Europe and beyond. Not since the Hitler-Stalin Pact, perhaps, has the outrage at Kremlin policy been so general, embracing Richard Nixon and Herbert Marcuse, Chou En-lai and Josip Broz-Tito, Bertrand Russell and Yevgeni Yevtushenko, Luigi Longo and Paul VI.
The devaluation of the pound sterling on November 18, 1967, and the announcement on January 16, 1968, of a firm timetable for Britain's withdrawal east of Suez have been widely lamented as marking the "end of an era." Along with such spectacular domestic reversals as the imposition of charges for medical care and the promise of still heavier taxation, the events of the past several months may at least justify the clichés, so often repeated, that Britain is at a "turning point" or has reached a "crossroads." But does all of this necessarily mean continuing deterioration or indicate that Britain's economic base can no longer support her as a major power? Or can those of us looking on from outside reasonably hope that what Labor Ministers have called the "second Battle of Britain,"1 will result in new patterns of economic expansion?

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