China's Rise in Asia: Promises and Perils; China Rising: Power and Motivation in Chinese Foreign Policy
Although both of these books deal with the rise of China in world politics, their emphasis is significantly different. Sutter's focus is on the United States' China policy and on China's relations with its Asian neighbors, whereas the symposium edited by Yong Deng and Fei-Ling Wang concentrates more on China's domestic reactions -- particularly on its dissatisfaction with its status in the international system.
Sutter, a veteran U.S. government analyst, skillfully weaves together recent history, current events, and future projections of Asian developments. He is particularly sensitive to how China's "rise to great-power status" will affect U.S.-China relations. Will it bring greater cooperation or more competition between the two powers? Will it be peaceful or follow the historic pattern of a new power upsetting the international order and starting a war? Sutter is generally optimistic as he points out ways in which all concerned have learned how to avoid conflicts and seek cooperation.
About half of the contributors to the Yong Deng and Fei-Ling Wang volume were Chinese citizens before becoming professors at American universities and thus are sensitive to what motivates Chinese foreign policy. Their contributions deal with such dimensions of foreign policy as the pursuit of regime stability, the search for prosperity and economic growth, and the desire for "international status," not just power. There are insightful contributions about how features of Chinese nationalism affect foreign policy and how China has moved beyond its traditional distrust of multilateral diplomacy. To its credit, the Chinese leadership is aware that China's rise has both advantages and disadvantages -- and they have thus been quick to stress that the rise will be peaceful, at least if they have their way.
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For some months, 1966 promised to be a year of significant albeit gradual change in American policy toward Communist China. In a strange and paradoxical fashion, the emotional issues of the Viet Nam War opened the way for the most sober, responsible and even-handed public discussion of China since the Communists came to power. At Congressional hearings and in the mass media, scholars and leaders of opinion have dispassionately calculated the possibilities for change, and Administration leaders have in their customarily guarded language intimated that change was not impossible. Most significant of all, the American public demonstrated a gratifying degree of maturity by forgetting the old passions and asking for only facts and analyses about the new China. Our national mood was increasingly one of believing that with prudence and wisdom it would be possible to work toward gradually incorporating China into responsible world relationships.
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