NATO and Weapons of Mass Destruction: Regional Alliance, Global Threats.
NATO and Weapons of Mass Destruction: Regional Alliance, Global Threats
Eric Terzuolo
Routledge, 2006, 240 pp, $113.00
The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty: An Insider's Perspective
Keith A. Hansen
Stanford University Press, 2006, 256 pp, $24.95
By way of contrast to James Risen's journalism, here are two solid works that hark back to an earlier period in security studies, before humanitarian intervention and terrorism crowded out nuclear deterrence and arms control. Efforts to implement a comprehensive test ban began in the 1950s and appeared to have succeeded when President Bill Clinton sent a treaty to the Senate for ratification in 1997. But two years later, the Senate rejected it, and the Bush administration has shown no interest in its revival. Hansen helped negotiate the treaty, and his book is a detailed insider's account of that process, with lots of documents, although it does not say much about the political factors that led to its demise. Given the amount of energy Hansen must have put into this endeavor, his tone is quite measured: the strongest emotion displayed is "disappointment."
Terzuolo also stays close to the diplomatic round, with references to the NATO summits, communiqués, action plans, and speeches that these days rarely get media coverage. His account of how NATO has addressed the issue of weapons of mass destruction since it was pushed to the fore during the Brussels summit of January 1994 is painstaking, an institutional drama rather than a political one. Every possible angle, from arms control to deterrence to emergency preparedness, is addressed, and is done so in the context of the alliance's other challenges, including, more recently, the differences over the Iraq war and the European Union's determination to get involved in defense issues. The work is descriptive rather than analytic, but usefully comprehensive. As one crisis follows another, the ability of NATO to hold itself together and confront problems it can never solve is a testament to its dogged resilience.
Related
It is a delicate matter to defend deterrence, the doctrine that it is the very lethality of nuclear weapons that lessens the likelihood of their use sufficiently to make us safe. That the consciousness of that lethality in the corridors of power in Washington and Moscow has played an important role in the keeping of the peace since the advent of the nuclear age is beyond doubting, as is the unwisdom of tampering with that consciousness, of accepting theories or technologies that will diminish the terror with which the prospect of nuclear war has been traditionally regarded and make nuclear weapons in any way less inhibiting to use. Still, if it is possible to underestimate the contribution that nuclear weapons make to the prevention of nuclear war, it is possible to overestimate it, too.
The issues of strategic arms control are complex in their technical details, but they nonetheless revolve around a reasonably simple central problem. The United States is primarily interested in reducing the level of strategic force deployments in order to alleviate a perceived threat to the U.S. intercontinental ballistic missile forces and a politically sensitive imbalance in weapons deployed in Europe. The Soviet Union is primarily interested in restricting the process of technical improvement in order to alleviate what it perceives as an emerging threat to Soviet ICBMs and ultimately to the entire structure of Soviet military forces. With the United States committed to revising the past and the Soviet Union to shaping the future, viable compromise requires arrangements that do both. The issues are too extensive and the underlying hostility too great to allow an immediate, comprehensive solution. Thus, compromise must be achieved through a series of partial measures, each of which balances force reductions and modernization restrictions.
The reelection of Ronald Reagan makes the future of his Strategic Defense Initiative the most important question of nuclear arms competition and arms control on the national agenda since 1972. The President is strongly committed to this program, and senior officials, including Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger, have made it clear that he plans to intensify this effort in his second term. Sharing the gravest reservations about this undertaking, and believing that unless it is radically constrained during the next four years it will bring vast new costs and dangers to our country and to mankind, we think it urgent to offer an assessment of the nature and hazards of this initiative, to call for the closest vigilance by Congress and the public, and even to invite the victorious President to reconsider. While we write only after obtaining the best technical advice we could find, our central concerns are political. We believe the President_s initiative to be a classic case of good intentions that will have bad results because they do not respect reality.
