Asia's Giants: Comparing China and India
This symposium brings together specialists on China and India to evaluate those countries' post-World War II records of modernization and development and to speculate on their future prospects. In the main, most of the authors give India high marks for its commitment to democratic development, while noting the high costs China paid for Mao Zedong's repressive policies. In doing so, they sharpen their analysis by stressing how in the early years there was a general belief in the West that China, exploiting the presumed advantages of autocratic government, was likely to race ahead, whereas India might collapse under the stresses of democratic government. By examining how so many scholars got things wrong, they shed light on the dynamics of development. At the same time, the two editors and several of the authors highlight the problem with comparing the two countries given the differences in their traditional cultures and modern histories (and the fact that Chinese statistics are not always to be trusted). Regardless, the authors are on solid ground when they conclude that India and China will decisively shape the future of Asia and become major actors in world politics.
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There is no major political system today about which we have less data and fewer meaningful facts than that of Communist China. Yet decisions which will shape our diplomacy, and more concretely our military establishment, for years ahead must be made in the light of what we now surmise to be the Chinese people's character and dynamics. Inescapably we fall back upon abstractions and gross generalizations.
This year India celebrates the twenty-fifth anniversary of her independence. These have been years of change and turmoil everywhere. Deep surging forces have torn asunder our past colonial feudal structures and have combined with the tides sweeping the world to give our post- independence evolution its unique qualities. But our own unvarying concerns have been two: to safeguard our independence and to overcome the blight of poverty.
The great hurrahs of the Cultural Revolution, the slogans, the messianic fervor, the public humiliation of the heretics are all gone. A visitor to Peking is impressed by nothing so much as by the return to normalcy, by pragmatism and-if one could imagine it in a Spartan land-a feeling of relaxation. Indeed, one might easily think that there had never been the awesome upheaval of 1966-69 "to change men's souls." Human frailty is once again understood, and there is at least an implied recognition that man does not live by faith alone.

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