The Fire: The Bombing of Germany, 1940-1945
This horrific and fascinating study of the Anglo-American air assaults on German cities during World War II, which was published a few years ago in Germany, requires a very strong stomach: Reader beware. It is about as thorough and methodical as a history book can be. Friedrich examines the weapons used; the firestorms that engulfed many German cities; the crews that carried out the bombing missions; Winston Churchill's determination -- until the winter of 1945 -- to destroy German cities; the Allies' strategy; the fate of the populations in their shelters, their rubble, their hospitals, and the cities to which they were evacuated, their defiance and despair, their anxiety and frequent emotional paralysis. He studies the fate of German monuments, works of art, libraries, and archives ("the largest book-burning of all time") -- all this in a matter-of-fact, dispassionate style. As the events of 2006 have once again shown the illusions of victory through airpower, Friedrich's book underscores that precision bombing is anything but a scientific enterprise that will spare the innocent, that nothing can justify this kind of warfare, and that the human capacity for barbarism, often kindled by the desire for revenge, thrives on technological and scientific prowess.
Related
Astonishing events in Czechoslovakia were only the latest in a series of changes in the communist world that took the outside world by surprise. The thaw and Hungarian rebellion of 1956, China's break with the Soviet Union and immersion in internal convulsion, and even the rejection of Russian control in Rumania-all were largely unforeseen (with only a few exceptions) even by expert opinion in the West, Like military planners who prepare for the last war, commentators on communist affairs in their preoccupation with accounting for the last surprise have often left the public unprepared for the next one. The concept of monolithic totalitarianism, based on parallels between Hitler and the later Stalin, ill prepared us to expect rebellion in Hungary; preoccupation with the Sino-Soviet split (which was only belatedly thought to be important, and then rapidly promoted into being the controlling factor in the divided communist world of the sixties) distracted us from any expectation of liberal deviation in Czechoslovakia.
The Clinton administration erred grievously in threatening intervention in the northern Balkans (Bosnia, Serbia, Croatia) and then quailing when it was needed. But in the southern Balkans (Macedonia, Albania, Greece, Turkey), U.S. diplomacy has been successful, particularly compared with the clownish efforts of European nations. Capable U.S. envoys have worked hard to reverse the growing polarization of Greece and Turkey. Moreover, U.S. support has helped reinforce the fragile geographic firewall, Macedonia, thus preventing a wider regional war.
Europeans enter the 1980s experiencing, for the first time since the cold war, a deep sense of concern--and even fear in some quarters--for the preservation of peace on their Continent. The decade began with speeches by European leaders, including President Giscard d'Estaing and Pope John Paul II, stressing the risks of a new world war, and polls conducted in several European countries throughout 1980 echoed similar qualms.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.