Mao and the Economic Stalinization of China, 1948-1953
During its rise to power, the Chinese Communist Party often seemed to champion liberal values and spoke of building a "New Democracy." But then, in 1953, Mao Zedong made a 180-degree turn and declared the "general line" to be the "transition to socialism." Hard-line communist rhetoric became dominant, and every policy had to meet the test of ideological purity; Mao the pragmatist was replaced by Mao the obsessed ideologue. Li has gone to great effort to uncover the story of this change, and her research into the years immediately after the CCP came to power shows that Sino-Soviet relations were far more complex than Western opinion imagined at the time. Stalin thought the Chinese were not sufficiently developed to start a socialist revolution, whereas Mao suspected that Stalin was trying to hold China back. Li concludes that "Mao was paradoxically both a disciple and a rival of Stalin." It was only after Stalin died that Mao was free to advance his belief in the importance of disciplined ideology.
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For some months, 1966 promised to be a year of significant albeit gradual change in American policy toward Communist China. In a strange and paradoxical fashion, the emotional issues of the Viet Nam War opened the way for the most sober, responsible and even-handed public discussion of China since the Communists came to power. At Congressional hearings and in the mass media, scholars and leaders of opinion have dispassionately calculated the possibilities for change, and Administration leaders have in their customarily guarded language intimated that change was not impossible. Most significant of all, the American public demonstrated a gratifying degree of maturity by forgetting the old passions and asking for only facts and analyses about the new China. Our national mood was increasingly one of believing that with prudence and wisdom it would be possible to work toward gradually incorporating China into responsible world relationships.

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