Perfect Spy: The Incredible Double Life of Pham Xuan An, Time Magazine Reporter and Vietnamese Communist Agent
Berman sets out in this book to report on his interviews with just about all the leading members of the Saigon press corps during the Vietnam War to determine whether they had had any idea that Pham Xuan An had been a Vietcong spy. They all say that An had been a completely trusted associate. He was given U.S. government documents, including military war plans. He was present in the room when U.S. officials were discussing sensitive matters. An went about creating his cover by spending two years attending a California college to get a degree in journalism -- and to learn how to act and speak like a typical young American. He then returned to Saigon and began working as a journalist, becoming Time's chief reporter there. The press corps accepted him as "one of our loyal Vietnamese." Only with the fall of Saigon and the victory of the North did it come out that An, who died recently, had been a spy all those years. Berman, in recapturing the atmosphere of Saigon during the war, has also documented the extraordinary group of American correspondents who were stationed in Saigon to report on the war. The outstanding journalists who knew and trusted An included David Halberstam, Stanley Karnow, Frank McCulloch, Robert Shaplen, and Neil Sheehan. An was also a personal friend of William Colby and Lucien Conein of the CIA and Colonel Edward Lansdale, the leading American expert on irregular warfare.
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Washington is leaving a crucial piece out of the nuclear puzzle. It will be China, not Russia or any rogue, whose nuclear policy will concern America most in the years ahead. The People's Republic has started to modernize its arsenal, and Western actions will help determine just what form China's force ultimately takes. Before rushing to deploy missile defenses, Washington should consider whether they would solve a problem or create one.
A Great deal of information has been published about the military strategy and forces of the People's Republic of China, some through official Chinese publications, much more through the writings of Western analysts. Most of this information concerns China's massive ground forces, with a respectable amount of coverage given to her air arm and even to her nascent nuclear missile forces. What about China's navy? "Didn't know they had one," is the derisive response one is most likely to receive.
Over the past century the politics of East Asia have been influenced more profoundly by the Sino-Japanese relationship than by any other single factor. Because both the two present-day societies have roots in classical Chinese civilization-only a "heritage" for each today-Chinese and Japanese politicians before World War II often argued that there was a special binding relationship between them. Japan's written language and much of its religious, artistic and moral civilization derive from Chinese culture, while Japan was the primary influence both positively and negatively on whole generations of Chinese revolutionaries, some of whom are still alive and active today. Perhaps because of this common heritage of civilization and mutual influence, the enormous misunderstandings, wars, threats and depredations that have characterized Sino-Japanese relations for a century have tended to take on the ferocity of a family or civil feud. Even though well-educated Chinese and Japanese can learn each other's language rather easily, it is doubtful whether any two peoples in the twentieth century have approached each other with more profoundly misleading stereotypes.
