Perfect Spy: The Incredible Double Life of Pham Xuan An, Time Magazine Reporter and Vietnamese Communist Agent
Berman sets out in this book to report on his interviews with just about all the leading members of the Saigon press corps during the Vietnam War to determine whether they had had any idea that Pham Xuan An had been a Vietcong spy. They all say that An had been a completely trusted associate. He was given U.S. government documents, including military war plans. He was present in the room when U.S. officials were discussing sensitive matters. An went about creating his cover by spending two years attending a California college to get a degree in journalism -- and to learn how to act and speak like a typical young American. He then returned to Saigon and began working as a journalist, becoming Time's chief reporter there. The press corps accepted him as "one of our loyal Vietnamese." Only with the fall of Saigon and the victory of the North did it come out that An, who died recently, had been a spy all those years. Berman, in recapturing the atmosphere of Saigon during the war, has also documented the extraordinary group of American correspondents who were stationed in Saigon to report on the war. The outstanding journalists who knew and trusted An included David Halberstam, Stanley Karnow, Frank McCulloch, Robert Shaplen, and Neil Sheehan. An was also a personal friend of William Colby and Lucien Conein of the CIA and Colonel Edward Lansdale, the leading American expert on irregular warfare.
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Over the past century the politics of East Asia have been influenced more profoundly by the Sino-Japanese relationship than by any other single factor. Because both the two present-day societies have roots in classical Chinese civilization-only a "heritage" for each today-Chinese and Japanese politicians before World War II often argued that there was a special binding relationship between them. Japan's written language and much of its religious, artistic and moral civilization derive from Chinese culture, while Japan was the primary influence both positively and negatively on whole generations of Chinese revolutionaries, some of whom are still alive and active today. Perhaps because of this common heritage of civilization and mutual influence, the enormous misunderstandings, wars, threats and depredations that have characterized Sino-Japanese relations for a century have tended to take on the ferocity of a family or civil feud. Even though well-educated Chinese and Japanese can learn each other's language rather easily, it is doubtful whether any two peoples in the twentieth century have approached each other with more profoundly misleading stereotypes.
India's and Pakistan's nuclear tests last May were a double setback: for security on the subcontinent and worldwide nonproliferation efforts. U.S. attempts to forge warmer relations with both countries were also casualties of the blasts. The tests could spark a chain of withdrawals from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, undermining the international consensus against the spread of nuclear arms. Cold War brinkmanship is no model for diplomacy. For their sake as well as the world's, India and Pakistan need to stabilize their nuclear rivalry at the lowest possible level, ban further tests, and embrace frequent, high-level bilateral talks to ease tensions.
No, it is not a silly question -- merely one that is not asked often enough. Odd as it may seem, the country that is home to a fifth of humankind is consistently overrated as an economy, a world power, and a source of ideas. Economically, China is a relatively unimportant small market; militarily, it is less a global rival like the Soviet Union than a regional menace like Iraq; and politically, its influence is puny. The Middle Kingdom is a middle power. China matters far less than it and most of the West think, and it is high time the West began treating it as such.

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