Empires
The flurry of writings on whether the United States is an empire has waned, but questions remain about how best to characterize U.S. global domination. Münkler, a German political theorist, provides an illuminating survey of the sprawling history and theory of empire with an eye to making sense of today's unipolar order -- and it joins Michael Doyle's Empires and Anthony Pagden's Peoples and Empires as one of the best single summary volumes. Münkler contends that all the great empires of the past -- from Athens, Rome, and the Mongols to the Chinese, Russian, and European colonial empires -- had a similar organizational logic of territory, rights, and rule. Likewise, they all moved through cycles of expansion, consolidation, and dissolution. Does the United States fit this imperial pattern, or has it pioneered a different sort of international order, with leadership founded on respect for sovereignty and rules and the provision of public goods? Münkler argues that the United States conforms to both definitions -- but that the latter role has given way in recent years to imperial impulses. Others have made this argument; Münkler's particular contribution is to stress the structural imperatives that flow from the United States' unipolar position rather than the personalities or ideologies of specific leaders. In the end, Münkler's description of the United States -- and also of Europe -- as a "post-imperial empire" highlights just how bereft scholars are of terms to describe today's reality.
Related
The first U.S. occupation of Haiti lasted almost 20 years and, by creating a modern military, buttressed the forces that have historically polarized the nation. Now American soldiers are back. Will we repeat those mistakes? Or can Haiti-a nation born of a slave revolt, isolated by the discrimination of anxious European and American powers, and inflicted with a parasitic upper class-finally overcome its past? Real democracy will require economic transformation. America must pick a side in the class warfare that has immobilized Haiti for 200 years.
The Oslo accord has failed. Battered by a wave of fundamentalist terrorism, Israelis are ready to elect a hard-line Likud government, while many frustrated Palestinians are spurning the PLO in favor of the Islamic extremists of Hamas. Locked in a political embrace, PLO Chairman Yasir Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin are dragging each other down. The process may stagger on, but it will never yield peace.
South Viet Nam, as is obvious to anyone with the most cursory interest in world affairs, is in the midst of a war, and equally obvious is the fact that this war is being waged by a Communist-controlled insurgent movement supported and directed from Hanoi. Less obvious, but equally important in determining its political complexion and future (including, ultimately, the outcome of the Communist-instigated war) is the fact that South Viet Nam is also in the midst of a social revolution.

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