The U.S. Elections and Europe: The Coming Crisis of High Expectations
Schake, a former National Security Council staffer for President George W. Bush, offers a sobering take on the likely shape of transatlantic relations under Bush's successor. Anyone expecting a restoration of the Atlantic alliance's glory days, she argues, will be bitterly disappointed. Partisan campaign jousting aside, Schake sees an "absence of genuine foreign policy differences between the presidential candidates" but a lot that will divide them from their European counterparts. In a dangerous world, "the next U.S. president will be expected to act preemptively, unilaterally, and with military force," and although all the major U.S. candidates say they want more cooperation with Europe, the next president will be disappointed by what the Europeans will actually deliver. This pessimism may be overstated. After all, not being Bush will alone score the next president some points in European eyes, and if he or she closes the Guantánamo Bay prison, does more on global warming, withdraws U.S. troops from Iraq, and promotes a more liberal social agenda, many Europeans will feel better disposed toward the United States. Moreover, as Schake herself points out, some European leaders (particularly French President Nicolas Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel) already do, even with Bush still in place. Nonetheless, Schake's basic thesis is undoubtedly right. The merit of this punchy monograph is that by warning of a "crisis of high expectations," it may help to avert one.
Related
In "Saving NATO From Europe," (November/December 2004), Jeffrey L. Cimbalo warns that a dagger is pointed at the heart of the Atlantic alliance, and the murder weapon is the European Union's draft constitution. Ratification of that document, Cimbalo asserts, would have "profound and troubling implications for the transatlantic alliance and for future U.S. influence in Europe." Washington, he believes, should "end its uncritical support for European integration" and work with its friends in Europe to halt the EU process and save NATO from an untimely death.
In recent months, many observers have concluded that the United States and Europe are on divergent paths and that the transatlantic alliance is crumbling. In spite of some real differences, however, American and European attitudes remain remarkably similar on most key issues. Basing policy on the false assumption of transatlantic divorce would only make it a self-fulfilling prophecy.
The Clinton administration erred grievously in threatening intervention in the northern Balkans (Bosnia, Serbia, Croatia) and then quailing when it was needed. But in the southern Balkans (Macedonia, Albania, Greece, Turkey), U.S. diplomacy has been successful, particularly compared with the clownish efforts of European nations. Capable U.S. envoys have worked hard to reverse the growing polarization of Greece and Turkey. Moreover, U.S. support has helped reinforce the fragile geographic firewall, Macedonia, thus preventing a wider regional war.

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