The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World
For 25 years, beginning in the mid-1970s, an extraordinary wave of democratic transitions swept across southern Europe, Asia, Latin America, parts of Africa, and the former Soviet Union. But this so-called third wave of democratization came to an end with backlashes in Nigeria, Pakistan, Russia, Venezuela, and elsewhere. Diamond, a leading authority in the democracy-promotion movement, takes stock of these decades of democratic "boom" and "recession." Part of his book explores the state of knowledge about the sources and obstacles to democratic transitions, emphasizing the critical role of political leadership and international support. Diamond demolishes the notion that democracy is a culture-bound Western artifact. He also resists, although less persuasively, the conventional scholarly view that democracy tends to follow -- and therefore must await -- economic modernization. The book is particularly good in focusing on the changing prospects of authoritarian governance. In backward and vulnerable parts of the world, the battle between authoritarians and democrats is not over ideas but rather over basic services and economic growth. Diamond is also eloquent in arguing that despite the recent blunders of American democracy promoters, there is still a role for the international community in helping societies that are struggling to be free.
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There is always something new out of Africa," said the ancient Greeks, as recorded by Pliny the Elder. The contemporary Africa-watcher, however, might be forgiven for wondering whether it is not all more of the same. In 1984, as in 1983, events in southern Africa and the devastating drought and famine which cost the lives of countless tens of thousands again dominated the year. For Nigerians, the new year began with yet another military government, which had ousted the elected civilian administration on the last day of 1983. In Chad, civil war ground on with no solution in sight. Libya's unpredictable leader, Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi, continued to make headlines with stories ranging from the killing of a British policewoman in London to his dabbling in the affairs of Chad and other countries. At the United Nations, the controversy over Namibia continued to set records as the longest running debate in that organization's history. And U.S. suggestions that its policy of "constructive engagement" with South Africa was succeeding continued to be greeted with skepticism in many quarters.
The beginning of the end of Yassir Arafat? The Palestine Liberation Front on the point of irrevocable disintegration? The twilight of the Palestinian movement? No sooner had a mutiny been declared in a Fatah barracks in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley last May than the international press was full of such questions -- legitimate, to be sure, but premature to say the least. And the political analysts who hastened to reply in the affirmative often did so without sufficiently taking into account the complexity of the crisis or the roles of the various protagonists -- behind the scenes as well as center stage -- their stated objectives, ulterior motives and miscalculations.
If one looks long enough at recent events in Lebanon, one can see emerging the new face of Israel's Begin government, a face markedly different from the first government of Menachem Begin. That first Begin government, which toppled a decaying and increasingly ineffectual Labor Party, had its moderate and restraining elements whose crowning achievement was the Camp David Accords. The then Defense Minister Ezer Weizman, along with Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan, were the reins on Begin's often frightening rhetoric, steering Begin away from the effects of his worst instincts.
