George H. W. Bush
This balanced and thoughtful survey of the life of the first President Bush is a welcome arrival. Naftali has a clear eye for the compromises and shifts that the transplanted New Englander made as he built a career first in Texas politics and then on the national scene, and he also has a healthy respect for the 41st president's handling of the end of the Cold War. Giving due weight to the contributions of such giants of the Republican foreign policy establishment as James Baker and Brent Scowcroft, Naftali makes a strong case that Bush's own character and judgment played an indispensable role in the peaceful liquidation of a 40-year confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This short book will not be the last word in the evaluation of a dramatic administration that included the Gulf War as well as the end of the Cold War and the unification of Germany. But it is an excellent and lively introduction to the life and work of one of those U.S. presidents likely to receive more sympathetic treatment from historians than from voters.
Related
China's reform policies have created economic opportunities, but they have also unleashed political tensions. Some U.S. strategists advocate a containment strategy, yet such a strategy is both undesirable and infeasible. America's fortunes in Asia depend on the evolution of a China that is secure, cohesive, reform-oriented, and open to the world. Failed reform could easily lead to a nationalistic, obstructionist China. In recent years, Washington, while trying to engage the People's Republic, has driven it into a corner over human rights. America must develop a long-term strategy to integrate China into the world community and avert serious damage to this crucial bilateral relationship. And it must begin to do so now.
Both in public and underground, Iranians are debating the legitimacy of the Islamic state that Khomeini built. Students challenge the notion that Islam has all the answers but evince pride in an Iran free of the shah and under no foreign master. The religious and secular elites are increasingly willing to contemplate pluralism and openness to the world, though most makers of the revolution remain obdurate and appeal to anti-Americanism to stir up the masses. Washington needs to listen to the new voices of Iran.
Foreign policy is not ordinarily conducted in controlled laboratory circumstances, but 1982 gave Ronald Reagan that opportunity to an unusual degree. A self-confessed anti-communist, he had come to the White House insisting on the requirement for a hard line, and in his first year he had capitalized on it by winning congressional support for a five-year defense plan of $1.357 trillion (in 1983 dollars)--in peacetime and in a period of economic crisis, no less. On the eve of his second year, there occurred an event--the declaration of military law in Poland--which lent itself well to validating the premise of Soviet menace and mendacity on which the President's whole anti-communist stance rested. In those conditions of evident domestic support for a world view freshly authenticated by the main enemy, Reagan had an excellent chance to prove that his analysis of the central problem of American foreign policy was sound. With one year of experience under his belt, and two years to go before elections, 1982 seemed destined to be a good year.
