Over to You, Mr. Brown: How Labour Can Win Again
In 1998, the British sociologist Giddens published The Third Way, a sort of centrist manifesto that rejected the dogmas of both the left, with Old Labour's faith in the state and reliance on the working class, and the right, with Margaret Thatcher's faith in the free market and relative indifference to social inequality. Together with similar thinking being done by American "New Democrats" around the same time, such ideas helped influence British Prime Minister Tony Blair as he modernized the Labour Party and governed in the center. Now, ten years later, Giddens is offering advice to another new Labour prime minister, Gordon Brown, but the result is likely to prove less influential. Packaged as a "radical reshaping" of policy, Over to You, Mr. Brown essentially restates the central (and still valid) messages of the first: that economic growth is a precondition to achieving other priorities, that the state has an important role to play but should not be overbearing, and that British elections are won in the center. Giddens argues that Labour should present itself as a "party of substance," yet he could not resist writing a book that reads more like an electoral guide -- replete with calls to "emphasize the economy," "prioritize education," and "attack poverty" -- than a detailed policy platform. The famously wonky Mr. Brown would have been more likely to read and benefit from the latter.
Related
In "Saving NATO From Europe," (November/December 2004), Jeffrey L. Cimbalo warns that a dagger is pointed at the heart of the Atlantic alliance, and the murder weapon is the European Union's draft constitution. Ratification of that document, Cimbalo asserts, would have "profound and troubling implications for the transatlantic alliance and for future U.S. influence in Europe." Washington, he believes, should "end its uncritical support for European integration" and work with its friends in Europe to halt the EU process and save NATO from an untimely death.
New general elections will be held in Italy in May. The present government coalition (formed by Christian Democrats and Socialists, with the addition of the very few but earnest Republicans) will defend itself on two fronts. From the radical Right will come the assaults of the not-numerous neo- Fascists and the still scarcer last-stand Monarchists; much more vigorous and dangerous attacks will be launched by the radical Left, the Communists and the revolutionary Socialists. Both radical Right and Left are theoretically sworn to destroy the present state of things and erect diametrically opposite régimes on the smoking ruins and the carnage. Such apocalyptic prospectives are not difficult to defeat, as they provoke more fear than hope in large sectors of the electorate.
Antony Blinken has missed a fundamental transformation at work. America and Europe may still share values and interests, but Europe and the world have changed profoundly since the Cold War. The transatlantic relationship must change, too.

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