Terror and Consent: The Wars for the Twenty-first Century
This sprawling and probing account of violence in the modern world begins with the bold claim that almost everything currently "known" about terrorism "must be thoroughly rethought." Bobbitt, a noted constitutional scholar, argues that explanations for terrorism that focus on cultural and religious clashes or poverty and underdevelopment miss the bigger picture. Terrorist violence, he argues, has evolved over the eras in complex interaction with the changing character of states and political rule. As he did in his earlier book, The Shield of Achilles, Bobbitt builds his grand historical narrative around a schematic view of the stages of Western political development. The types of "constitutional order" have evolved over the centuries, from princely states to absolutist and national-territorial states to what he sees as the emerging twenty-first century "market state," in which governments exist primarily to maximize individual opportunity in a globalized world system. In each era, terrorists have developed their ideology in reaction to the legitimating logic of the reigning constitutional form. The nation-state called forth the violence of the Irish Republican Army and the Japanese Red Army; the U.S.-led market state is calling forth the decentralized and networked terrorism of al Qaeda. Bobbitt's message is that an effective response to the coming threats will require the reinforcement of legal and institutional capacities that bridge the gap between homeland security and international security. Some readers will find the notion of a market state more of a caricature than a useful archetype, and scholars of international relations will wish that the book more systematically explored the implications of growing security interdependence for international cooperation.
Related
The American century, far from being over, is on the way. The information revolution, which capsized the Soviet Union and propelled Japan to eminence, has altered the equation of national power. America leads the world in the new technologies. Its emerging military systems can thwart any threat. On the "soft-power" side, it projects its ideals and other countries follow. To prevent an information race, America must share its lead; to preserve its reputation, it must keep its house in order.
Pacific powers would like Korea to reunify slowly, but the North is soon likely to implode, its economy deteriorating as its weapons of mass destruction accumulate. Rapid reunification would spur economic growth, as in Germany, and reduce regional tensions. South Korea's liberalization of its own economy and strengthening of its civic institutions will prepare it to assist the North. China and Russia may not go along, but Western governments should stop coddling Pyongyang. America should underwrite a united Korea's security, and Japan its finances.
Under Charles de Gaulle, French foreign policy as seen from Washington had a "nuisance value" at a time when France's domestic choices were much more in tune with those of her allies and neighbors. Under François Mitterrand, the radical nature of the domestic changes in France (e.g., nationalization of major industries and banks, decentralization of the administration of the country) have virtually changed French foreign policy into a reassuring value. At a time when pacifism is sweeping Northern Europe, and the Federal Republic of Germany in particular, France, with her firmness vis-à-vis the Soviet Union, her nuclear striking force, her strong defense budget and weak pacifist movement, seems an oasis of continuity.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.