What's Wrong With the European Union and How to Fix It; Europe: The State of the Union
These are two useful new contributions on the evolution of the European Union, now in trouble again following the Irish rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Both authors offer a limited defense of an organization that delivers many benefits to those who live under its aegis yet never seems to satisfy them. In the more original volume, Hix diagnoses the problem as being a lack of popular legitimacy (only about half of the EU's citizens now believe their country's membership in the EU is a good thing), which stems not from an ideological aversion to integration but from a simple calculation on the part of the masses that the union is not responsive to their needs. Hix sees a "democratic deficit" in the EU but rejects both the Euroskeptic conclusion that it should give power back to the states and the Eurofederalist conclusion that it should assume even more power. Rather, what the EU needs is "the substantive content of democracy: a battle for control of political power and the policy agenda at the European level, between rival groups of leaders with rival policy platforms." His smart, sensible proposals for how to do that -- which include holding an open contest for the post of commission president, making the Council of the European Union more transparent, and giving the European Parliament more power -- might help the union's current leaders out of their constitutional mess. Menon's book is less a work of political science than a learned essay based on his 15 years spent teaching and learning about European integration at the University of Birmingham. Acknowledging that "much of what the European Union does is dull" and hard to explain to "comatose students," Menon has written a witty, well-informed, and accessible evaluation of the state of that union -- which is still decidedly mixed but positive on the whole.
Related
In "Saving NATO From Europe," (November/December 2004), Jeffrey L. Cimbalo warns that a dagger is pointed at the heart of the Atlantic alliance, and the murder weapon is the European Union's draft constitution. Ratification of that document, Cimbalo asserts, would have "profound and troubling implications for the transatlantic alliance and for future U.S. influence in Europe." Washington, he believes, should "end its uncritical support for European integration" and work with its friends in Europe to halt the EU process and save NATO from an untimely death.
New general elections will be held in Italy in May. The present government coalition (formed by Christian Democrats and Socialists, with the addition of the very few but earnest Republicans) will defend itself on two fronts. From the radical Right will come the assaults of the not-numerous neo- Fascists and the still scarcer last-stand Monarchists; much more vigorous and dangerous attacks will be launched by the radical Left, the Communists and the revolutionary Socialists. Both radical Right and Left are theoretically sworn to destroy the present state of things and erect diametrically opposite régimes on the smoking ruins and the carnage. Such apocalyptic prospectives are not difficult to defeat, as they provoke more fear than hope in large sectors of the electorate.
Antony Blinken has missed a fundamental transformation at work. America and Europe may still share values and interests, but Europe and the world have changed profoundly since the Cold War. The transatlantic relationship must change, too.

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