The Atomic Bomb and the Origins of the Cold War
This book provides a helpful and accessible stocktaking of the position reached in the long-running debates on the relationship between the development and detonation of the first nuclear weapons and the onset of the Cold War. It is particularly good on the less familiar Russian material, including Stalin's determination not to let the West have the satisfaction of superior strength. The authors argue that without the bomb, it might have been possible for the United States and the Soviet Union to pursue a cooperative relationship; their nuclear programs, and the associated features of spies being unmasked and futile negotiations on international control, created additional mistrust between the two powers. Unfortunately, the evidence for this in the book is less than compelling, especially from the Soviet side. More time spent on what was going in Germany and Poland from 1945 on would have demonstrated the implausibility of the book's thesis. And it is at least worth examining the orthodox proposition that, since conflict was always in the cards, the bomb helped prevent the Cold War from getting too hot.
Related
On March 23, 1983, President Reagan delivered a televised speech to the nation in which he initiated a potentially radical departure in U.S. strategic policy. The President suggested that the policy of nuclear deterrence through the threat of strategic nuclear retaliation is inadequate, and called upon the vast American technological community to examine the potential for effective defense against ballistic missiles.
For the Reagan Administration, 1983 was to be "the year of the missile." It was to be the moment of truth in the American effort to introduce new intermediate-range weapons into Western Europe and to "modernize" the U.S. strategic arsenal, primarily with the development of the MX intercontinental missile. Until this buildup in defenses was well under way, nuclear arms control would be a matter of keeping up appearances, of limiting damage, of buying time, and of laying the ground for possible agreement later.
Toward the end of what almost immediately came to be called his "Star Wars" speech in March of 1983, President Reagan concluded an impassioned defense of his arms budget by proposing that American scientists begin research on a very advanced system that could protect the West from ballistic missile attack by the turn of the century or soon thereafter.
