Empires of Trust: How Rome Built -- and America Is Building -- a New World
Since the birth of the American republic, writers and commentators have been drawing foreboding analogies between the state of the United States and the fall of Rome. Madden has taken this tired old chestnut and done something fresh with it. Pointing out that Roman power rose very high and lasted thousands of years (Constantinople fell to the Ottomans more than 2,100 years after the founding of Rome), Madden asks what analogies with the rise of Rome, rather than its fall, can teach about the future of U.S. power. The core similarity between the two states, he argues, is the degree to which their power flowed from a mix of factors: strong legal and military cultures, a distaste for foreign engagements, fidelity to allies, and a craving for security. The result in both cases was a slow and hesitant expansion and the creation of increasingly strong alliances. Although anti-Romanism was as common among Rome's allies and clients as anti-Americanism is today among the United States', in the last analysis, Rome's neighbors generally preferred to influence Rome's policies as allies rather than to fight Rome on the open field. The value of historical analogies over the millennia is necessarily limited; still, Madden's fresh take on the United States and Rome is provocative and stimulating and will give readers interested in both ancient and modern history much food for thought.
Related
USAID has become ineffective because it is underfunded, understaffed, and losing influence. The next president should revive it by either making it autonomous or elevating it to a cabinet-level department
Despite isolationist sentiments at home and resentment from abroad, President Clinton has preserved America's authority as the world's leader. U.S. foreign policy now follows not a single doctrine but a set of strategic objectives drawn from a clear understanding of globalization. Over the last eight years, Clinton has revitalized U.S. alliances, integrated former adversaries into international organizations, negotiated peace (even in areas of marginal security interest), fought nuclear proliferation and deadly diseases, and advanced economic integration while alleviating economic disparities. More tasks remain -- from supporting new democracies to fighting international terrorism to reinventing the U.N. All this cannot be done, however, if the United States continues to underfund its foreign policy and shirk its obligations to international organizations. America should not apologize for being a "hyperpower"; it must preserve its authority as one.
I Recently attended a round-table discussion of distinguished and imaginative Latin American leaders during which two speakers berated various countries for lack of "political will." In the first instance, what the United States needed to do to demonstrate its political will was to provide tariff preferences for imports of manufactured goods from less- developed countries. In the second case, political will was needed for Latin America to achieve an integrated, Hemisphere-wide, common market. To repeat: the speakers were men of substantial intellect.
