To Lead the World: After the Bush Doctrine
With a distinguished cast of contributors, the editors Leffler and Legro have put together an unusually interesting and useful collection of essays on possible directions for U.S. foreign policy under a new administration. There is at least the beginning of a consensus among the experts: virtually all of them agree that the Bush administration's blunders have damaged the United States' stature and power abroad but that the damage can still be repaired. This consensus would be more useful if the experts did not disagree so fundamentally on what ought to be done next. Still, with their book's contributors comprising Stephen Van Evera, Robert Kagan, Charles Maier, G. John Ikenberry, James Kurth, Samantha Power, David Kennedy, Barry Eichengreen, Douglas Irwin, Francis Fukuyama, and Niall Ferguson, the editors have assembled some of today's most important and cogent thinkers on U.S. foreign policy. A final essay by Leffler and Legro highlights both the similarities of argument and the key points of contention among the contributors and succeeds in describing some of the key choices the next president must make.
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The Clinton administration supports crippling economic sanctions that punish the Iraqi people but seems ready to live with the demise of international inspections to monitor Saddam Hussein's nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons programs. Washington has it exactly backward. It should offer Baghdad a blunt trade: lightened sanctions in return for renewed, intrusive arms inspections. The sweeping sanctions regime does nothing to advance U.S. interests, undermine Saddam, or contain Iraq. Leaving Saddam's arsenal unwatched is folly. Better to have arms inspections without sanctions than sanctions without arms inspections.
Since World War II, America has styled itself the "leader of the free world." But to get its way, the United States has ignored the American public and used covert action, sabotage, and threats against hapless foreign countries. This is not true leadership. To lead in the 21st century, the United States will have to learn to acknowledge the world outside its borders and listen to others' opinions, act in partnership with other nations, and get used to persuading allies rather than browbeating them. Given its penchant for secrecy and long history of avoiding "entangling alliances," America does not seem up to the challenge.
The West botched the post-Cold War era by overestimating the power of markets, misreading ethnic conflicts, and relying on outmoded military doctrines.

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