Rice's Record
The Secretary of State reflects on the lessons of the past eight years.
To the Editor:
Condoleezza Rice's "Rethinking the National Interest" (July/August 2008) presented the secretary of state with a unique opportunity to use the forum of this magazine productively. Unfortunately, the fundamental policies of the Bush administration have not changed, and her article was nothing more than a restatement of previous failed policies. Such pronouncements in the twilight of her tenure are nothing more than rhetorical justifications for the failed ideologies, poor judgments, and gross misuse of power that have characterized the Bush administration's foreign policy.
Rather than refute her claims of success one by one, it is enough to repeat what is publicly known and a matter of record. The Iraq war was not a war of necessity. Its initial stages were characterized by poor planning, the selective use of intelligence, and insufficient combat and occupation resources. For three and a half years following the invasion, George W. Bush, Rice, and other key policymakers in the administration were in a state of denial, and Iraq degenerated into open civil war. Five years, 4,100 American military deaths, and $700 billion later, the debacle continues.
Secretary Rice's vision, view of history, and accounting of the foreign policy status quo are fictional at best. In January 2009, she will leave office. The rest of us will be left to deal with our relatives who have experienced the war firsthand, pay for the war with our taxes, and strive to develop a nonideological foreign policy that reflects the United States' form of government and the practical limits of its power.
Steven L. Hull
Captain (Retired), U.S. Navy
Related
Donald Rumsfeld has gotten better press as a secretary of war than he did as a secretary of defense. But the latter job is tougher, so he deserves some sympathy. The dilemmas of U.S. defense policy today reflect more than individual foibles and the difficulty of transforming a giant, often dysfunctional bureaucracy. Even more important, they stem from America's profoundly ambivalent and only semiconscious acceptance of its unique, world-historical role. Whatever the pace at which the Pentagon adapts to that fact, it must do so, and the more swiftly the better.
How will the United States defend itself against the unknown, the unseen, and the unexpected? One way is by exploiting new technologies to develop a flexible arsenal: reduced nuclear forces, advanced conventional capabilities, and a range of defenses against missile, space, and computer attacks. Yet all the high-tech weapons in the world will not defend the country unless the Pentagon and the armed forces change the way they train, fight, and think. Americans and their military must accept changing coalitions, understand the need for preemptive offense, and prepare for a new kind of war that may increasingly be waged with nonmilitary means. Now is precisely the time to begin making these changes; September 11 is all the proof we need.
During Richard Nixon's first term, when I served as secretary of defense, we withdrew most U.S. forces from Vietnam while building up the South's ability to defend itself. The result was a success -- until Congress snatched defeat from the jaws of victory by cutting off funding for our ally in 1975. Washington should follow a similar strategy now, but this time finish the job properly.

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